Cette thèse se propose de revenir sur l’histoire politique et médiatique du Sénégal de l'indépendance à nos jours. Mais, vu le dynamisme politique spécifique de l’ère coloniale dans ce pays, nous aborderons également cette période car elle peut nous aider à mieux comprendre l’avènement « précoce » du multipartisme au Sénégal par rapport au reste de l'Afrique, ou du moins d'une bonne partie du continent. Car c’est à partir de cette période que le droit de vote est apparu au Sénégal. Puis à l’indépendance, la situation médiatique va connaître d’importants bouleversements, avec l’apparition des partis uniques et de ce que Mor Faye appelle le « journalisme institutionnel des comptes rendus ». La rupture avec le pluralisme politique, provoquée par la crise de 1962 qui signe la fin de l’exécutif bicéphale au Sénégal, va peu à peu réduire la liberté d’opinion jusqu’à mettre en place un journal unique, une presse d’État. C’est avec la création d’une loi sur la presse en 1979 et le multipartisme naissant ou renaissant, que commencent à s’enraciner les bases du pluralisme médiatique qui va, au fur et à mesure que le pays se démocratise, révolutionner le discours politique et bouleverser le monisme idéologique. C’est ainsi qu’au début des années 1990 se développe, au Sénégal et dans de nombreux pays africains francophones, une sorte de « médiactivisme » qui jouera un rôle déterminant dans la remise en cause des informations diffusées par la presse d’État. Cependant, le développement du pluralisme de la presse au Sénégal soulève, surtout à partir de l’alternance politique en 2000 portant Abdoulaye Wade à la tête du pays, d’énormes interrogations relatives aux pratiques journalistiques et à l’esprit de responsabilité nécessaire pour exercer ce métier / This thesis looks back on the political and media history of Senegal from independence to the present. However, given the specific political dynamism of the colonial era in this country, we will also discuss this period because it can help us better understand the coming "early" multiparty in Senegal compared to the rest of Africa, or unless much of the continent. Since it is from this period that the voting appeared to Senegal. And after independence, the media situation will undergo significant changes, with the emergence of single parti system and what Mor Faye calls "institutional journalism of reviews." The break with political pluralism, caused by the 1962 crisis marks the end of the two-headed executive in Senegal, that will gradually reduce the freedom of opinion to impose a single newspaper, a State press. With the creation of a press law in 1979 and the nascent or reborn multiparty, start to root the basics of media pluralism that will, as and as the country becomes more democratic, revolutionize speech political and ideological monism upset. Thus developed in the early 1990s, in Senegal and in many French-speaking African countries, a form of "médiactivisme" which will play a key role in the questioning of the information published by state media. However, the development of pluralism of the press in Senegal raises, especially after the political change in 2000 Abdoulaye Wade to lead the country, huge questions on journalistic practices and spirit of responsibility necessary to exercise this job

In recent years, the way Albanians consume news has changed radically. They have abandoned traditional media, and instead, a large majority now rely on television, social media, and online media as their primary source of information. The journalists I have interviewed say that the change has led to a deterioration in journalistic quality. According to them, consumers are no longer interested in the underlying causes; instead, most want journalism to be mixed with entertainment.   In 2022, wealthy businessmen continued to buy media outlets, which, i.a. Reporters Without Borders consider worrisome. Today, freedom of the press suffers from the fact that the owners of the media outlets can, to a large extent, control the reporting, which benefits their other businesses on the side. The country is also corrupt, enabling close ties between media owners, politicians, and organized crime. In Albania, during the spring, the population expressed dissatisfaction with the low wages and high petrol prices, which in May 2022 was one of the highest in the world.   The results I have reached show that freedom of the press in Albania is not doing well, and several of the journalists I interviewed admit that they have at some point censored their reporting out of fear of consequences.

This thesis examines the views of freedoms of press and speech held by the twelve earliest justices of the U.S. Supreme Court, as the Sedition Act of 1798 raised their earliest First Amendment questions including the breadth of those freedoms and of seditious libel. The thesis discusses three aspects of the early justices' views, which add to existing studies. First, the context of those justices' views was growing challenges to the restrictive Blackstone and Mansfield definition of freedom of press as only freedom from prior restraint (licensing) and as not also freedom from subsequent restraint such as seditious libel prosecution. Those challenges were reflected in broad language protecting freedoms of press and speech, and in the absence of language stating that the English common law of rights or of seditious libel was left unaltered. That crucial context of growing challenges has not been detailed in existing literature. (Chapter 3.) Second, the views of each early justice on press and speech are chronicled for the period 1789-1798. That discloses express commitments to those freedoms, which are absent from existing literature, and no adoption of the Blackstone definition before the 1798 crisis. (Chapters 4-5.) Third, the cases and reasoning of the six sitting justices upholding the Sedition Act of 1798 are chronicled and assessed, along with the views of the six remaining justices. That reveals that most remaining justices and also a significant minority within the Federalist party rejected the Sedition Act. Yet positions on the Sedition Act have been only cursorily discussed for four sitting justices and have been overlooked for the other eight justices, as well as for the Federalist party's minority, for the critical period 1798-1800. (Chapters 6-7.) The thesis proposes reasons for that divergence between the pre-1798 commitment of all justices to freedoms of press and speech, and the support given by most sitting justices to the Sedition Act, in contrast to apparent opposition by most remaining justices. The primary reasons are their opposing positions on several connected issues: the extent of rights to dissent, the challenges to the Blackstone definition and to seditious libel, the effect of new state and federal constitutions on seditious libel and on common law rights, strength of attachment to freedoms of press and speech and to seditious libel, and most sitting justices' changes of position to embrace the Blackstone definition. The thesis calls into question conventional views in existing literature on each of those three aspects. First, Levy and others express the dominant view that freedom of press in state declarations of rights and the First Amendment 'was used in its prevailing common law or Blackstonian sense to mean a guarantee against previous restraints and a subjection to subsequent restraints for licentious or seditious abuse,' so that contrary evidence 'does not exist,' and that 'no other definition of freedom of the press by anyone anywhere in America before 1798' existed. Instead, opposition to the essence of seditious libel had been mounting over the decades. Second, the early justices are usually portrayed as having nothing to say about freedoms of press and speech before 1798. Instead, nearly all exhibited commitment to those freedoms before that crucial year, though half the early justices upheld the Sedition Act during 1798-1800. Third, the Federalist party, the early justices, and the states except Virginia and Kentucky are all usually described as unanimously supporting the Sedition Act. Instead, the Federalists divided over the Act, and the early justices did as well, with an unrecognized but significant minority of the party, and nearly half of the early justices, opposing the Sedition Act, as did several additional states.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Francisco Matos.pdf: 706196 bytes, checksum: 7a6e8fa846ba32bae58e76bfca71d6c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-17 / This dissertation situates the question of protecting privacy against press freedom from the historical perspective of its elaboration ranging from the origins of western world fundamental rights to the current conflict between these rights. It analyzes these concepts taking into account the different meanings of the word to privacy. It demonstrates the process of formation of press freedom from the beginning until the present day. It also underlines the relationship between these two rights the deep areas of collision exist. It search overcome these conflicts, using techniques of measurement, with prestige to the principles and basic ideas of the Federal Constitution / A dissertação situa a questão da proteção à privacidade frente a liberdade de imprensa, a partir da perspectiva histórica, desde a elaboração e fixação dos direitos fundamentais no mundo ocidental, até os atuais conflitos, envolvendo esses direitos. Analisa esses conceitos, levando em conta os diversos significados atribuídos à palavra privacidade. Demonstra o processo de formação da liberdade de imprensa, desde os primórdios até os nossos dias. Põe em relevo a relação desses dois direitos, com as profundas zonas de colisão existentes. Busca ultrapassar tais conflitos, empregando técnicas de ponderação, com prestígio aos princípios e ideias basilares da Constituição Federal

In recent years, there has been talk of a declining confidence and growing mistrust of the news media. Swedish media have been accused of obscuring certain topics, of letting the newspapers’ political orientation guide the selection of news and of having a news evaluation process that is influenced by the journalists’ personal opinions. With this as a starting point, and the assumption that a high ranking in the press freedom index does not automatically translate to a media landscape unaffected by restraining factors, this thesis investigates the reality of the press freedom in Sweden. Through the method of triangulation, combining a quantitative survey with qualitative semi-structured interviews, the thesis explores how Swedish journalists perceive their journalistic freedom, as well as if all topics are represented in Swedish journalism. The conclusion shows that although Swedish journalists perceive their journalistic freedom to be high, there are signs of self-censorship resulting in a lacking reporting of certain news topics.

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The Master thesis focuses itself on establishment and development of free press and other media in Albania during the period since the fall of communism till today. Along with the gradual losing of power of communist regime since 1990 that culminated in 1992 by the establishment of democratic government, new era of Albanian media started, an era filled by dynamic changes and twists that have impact on the media up to these days. The aim of the author is to describe this development and to assess how Albanian media faced it and thus influenced current shape and functioning of the media market. Apart from describing the media scene in the 1990s and 2000s, specifically the establishment and development of main Albanian media as well as political and economic situation of the country, the main goal of the thesis lies in assessing the degree of independence of current Albanian press and describing of work conditions of local journalists. The main source to do that were the interviews conducted with Albanian journalists commenting mainly the issues of freedom of speech and press in their own country as well as conditions of their everyday work and thus revealing functioning of media and other sectors in this Balkan country.

According to reports from Reporters sans frontiers and Freedom House, the freedom of the press has declined during the recent years in the sub-Saharan country Tanzania. Using the human rights reports as an entry point, this study set out to investigate the working conditions for journalists in the capital de facto of Tanzania, Dar es Salaam. An important aim was to dig deeper and show the local and culturally specific conditions. The study supports that the press freedom, as well as the working conditions have declined during the last years for the journalists in Dar es Salaam. However, the study also shows that the new laws and government measures, described by the human rights reports as reducing the press freedom, is not considered by every journalist to be negative. The challenges differ among the corps of journalists, as their values of journalism differs. The greatest denominator among the informants was the high-degree of journalistic interventionism, directed at helping the society. In some cases, this took form as a practice of development journalism. The strong connections to the local community, the country and the religious affiliations are thought to contribute to these values. For journalists in private media, the press freedom was found to be the most acute problem, while for journalists in state-owned media it was economic issues. The press freedom was connected to the perceived job autonomy, and senior journalists and journalists working for international media were found to be more autonomous. Self-censorship was used by many in the private media sector as a tool to avoid both bureaucratic harassment from government, as well as violent repercussions. The main challenges included new restricting laws, economic issues which lead to the practice of brown envelopes, the parliament being located in Dodoma, gender-issues, scared sources and the advancement of social media. Theories and earlier research evolving from the values of journalism and journalism in Africa were used as tools to understand and compare with. The results are based on fieldwork conducted during a period of two months in the beginning of 2019, with qualitative interviews held with journalists in the city of Dar es Salaam.

Univ., Diss./2006--Freiburg i. Br., 2005. / Literaturverz. S. [509] - 519. - Text überw. dt., teilw. engl.