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General elections in the post-devolution period : press accounts of the 2001 and 2005 campaigns in Scotland and EnglandDekavalla, Marina January 2009 (has links)
This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.
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The coalface of journalism: A qualitative research investigation into development communication objectives amongst rural newspapers in the Overberg DistrictGalant, Raashied 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / 131 p. / This thesis explores how six commercial local newspapers based in the towns of
Swellendam, Bredasdorp, Caledon and Gansbaai are reporting on gender and HIV/AIDS
in ways that may help to shift specific attitudes as well as to generate appropriate
community responses. The overall aim of the study is to advance theories around the
location of commercial news media in the development context. It also aims to inform
and empower development workers and activists on the opportunities or pitfalls in
engaging with rural local media to advance their development goals.
In most prior studies into the nature of gender or HIV/AIDS reporting in the media in
South Africa, the focus has been exclusively on mainstream corporate and/or urbanbased
media titles and very little investigation has been done into the performance of small
ruralbased
media. The study employs two methods of data collection namely, a
quantitative content analysis of newspapers and structured interviews with the editors of
the papers, and a sample group of government employees and community activists in the
respective towns.
The structured interviews provide a qualitative dimension to the content analysis, bearing
in mind the dangers of quantifying media content and making isolated judgements on the
actual context of journalistic practice. Through the interviews, the researcher has been
able to explore the extent to which the perceptions of the media editors visavis
a public
interest role with respect to gender and HIV/AIDS actually differs from the quantitative
evidence of their performance and the perceptions of key informants in their
communities.
The findings of the study suggest that local rural media hold out great hope with respect
to the advancement of development communication goals through commercial media
platforms. The editors in the four towns have established organic connections with their
community, albeit tenuous, but which extend into the ranks of development workers in
their towns. The data from the content analysis suggests that women enjoy high visibility
in the pages of their local papers, and they are most likely to be portrayed as positive
achievers than as women encountering violence.
The tenuous nature of the connections between editor and community are most starkly
evident around the issue of HIV/AIDS, with coverage of this being very low despite much
work being undertaken in the community to deal with the pandemic. With respect to the
issue of gender, there was demonstrable evidence from actual examples of content, that
showed on the one hand the capacity to motivate for change in women's lives, but also on
the other hand a danger of reinforcing attitudes that compound women's oppression. The
study offers recommendations to a range of roleplayers to ensure, firstly, the continued
survival of local rural newspapers, and also support in building capacity to see these
papers mature into journalism products that are integrative and transformative. / Ford Foundation and the Media Development and Diversity Agency
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Politics and HIV and AIDS in South Africa : an analysis of the media reporting during the presidency of Thabo Mbeki (1999-2008)Le Roux, Conette 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: When South African President Thabo Mbeki began doubting that HIV was the cause of
AIDS in the late 1990s, failed to provide AIDS medication and stalled its introduction,
openly supported HIV pseudoscientists and doubted HIV statistics, one of the most
widely reported debates in the country’s history emerged.
When two independent 2008 studies found that the death of approximately 330 000 South
Africans could have been prevented between 1999 and 2007 if President Mbeki’s HIV
policy made provision for AIDS medication, the AIDS debate was re-introduced, and it
was these findings that provided the motivation for this study. The purpose of this study
was to provide a historical perspective on HIV reporting in the media during Mbeki’s
presidency in order to answer how the media reflected and reported on his HIV policy,
and also to provide possible reasons for the way the media reported on the matter.
Research has shown that the government (particularly President Mbeki and his health
ministers) and AIDS social movement organisations (particularly the Treatment Action
Campaign [TAC]) were the main actors framing the AIDS epidemic in South Africa.
Thus, this study examined the media’s HIV trail in reporting on these actors’ responses
and counter-responses by means of content analysis. Qualitative analysis, in the form of
questionnaires sent to health journalists who reported on HIV during this period, was
completed in order to provide the possible reasons for the media’s reporting style.
During the content analysis it was found that the media reporting was mostly positive
towards the TAC and mostly critical towards Mbeki and his government, and the results
of the questionnaires verified this, but also provided reasons why the media were mostly
critical of Mbeki and his government. One principal reason was that the government’s
policies on HIV were so blatantly contrary to scientific evidence and medically unethical
that it was the media’s duty to fulfil their watchdog and surveillance role. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Toe die Suid-Afrikaanse president, Thabo Mbeki, in die laat jare negentig begin het om
die oorsaak van VIGS in twyfel te trek, daarin misluk het om VIGS-medikasie te verskaf
en produksie daarvan vertraag het, en openlik MIV-pseudowetenskaplikes ondersteun het
en MIV-statistiek bevraagteken het, het ’n debat met moontlik van dié wydste
nuusdekking in die geskiedenis van die land posgevat.
Die VIGS-debat het weer op die voorgrond beland nadat twee onafhanklike studies in
2008 bevind het sowat 330 000 Suid-Afrikaners se dood kon tussen 1999 en 2007 vermy
gewees het indien president Mbeki se MIV-beleid voorsiening gemaak het vir die
verskaffing van VIGS-medikasie. Hierdie bevindinge het die motivering vir die studie
verskaf. Die doel van hierdie studie was om ’n historiese perspektief van die
mediadekking van MIV tydens Mbeki se presidentskap te verskaf om sodoende vas te
stel hoe die media die debat oor Mbeki se MIV-beleid weerspieël het, maar ook om die
redes te bepaal vir die manier waarop die media oor die kwessie berig het.
Navorsing het getoon die regering (spesifiek president Mbeki en sy gesondheidsministers)
en aktivistegroepe (spesifiek die Treatment Action Campaign [TAC]) was die
hoofkarakters betrokke by die fokussering van die VIGS-epidemie in Suid-Afrika. Dus
het hierdie studie probeer om die media se MIV-spore met betrekking tot beriggewing
oor hierdie akteurs se stellings en reaksies deur middel van inhoudanalise te bestudeer.
Kwalitatiewe analise in die vorm van vraelyste wat aan gesondheidsjoernaliste gestuur is
wat in hierdie tydperk beriggewing oor MIV gedoen het, is gebruik om moontlike redes
te verskaf vir die manier van beriggewing.
Tydens die inhoudanalise is bevind dat mediadekking meestal positief teenoor die TAC
was en meestal negatief teenoor Mbeki en sy regering. Die resultate van die vraelyste het
dít bevestig, en redes verskaf waarom die media meestal krities was teenoor Mbeki en sy
regering. Een van die vernaamste redes was dat die regering se beleidsrigtings met betrekking tot MIV so blatant teen wetenskaplike bewyse gekant was en boonop medies
oneties was, dat dit juis die media se plig was om die rol van waghond te speel.
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Media representation of South Africas female politicians : the case of the Mail & Guardian – 2010 to 2011Phiri, Millie Mayiziveyi 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is a feminist investigation of the reporting on the female politicians in the
Mail & Guardian using the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development media requirements
on content as the yardstick. The Protocol is a regional policy adopted in 2008 by regional
governments aimed at achieving gender equity in key sectors by 2015. The Protocol is a
regional instrument set up to assist in meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
The study investigated whether the Protocol’s media requirements were being observed by
the Mail&Guardian. The media’s role of providing information can assist the MDGs to be
met. These requirements encourage the media in the region to reach gender parity in the use
of news sources and writing of news reports that help to reduce gender-based violence and
the portrayal of women that is not stereotypic and oppressive. The themes of the study, which
were “gender-based violence”, “gender oppression” and “stereotypes against women” were
influenced by these requirements. Gender-based violence is a major impediment to
development in Africa because of the heavy financial burden it puts on governments and
communities to treat victims and offer them shelter and counselling. Gender-based violence
affects women’s full productivity in society because it results in death or victims remaining
absent from work while they seek treatment. Stereotypes and gender oppression are viewed
as dangerous because not only do they deny younger generations role models but they
perpetuate the insubordination of women in society. The study linked the themes to female
parliamentarians because being legislators and policy makers, they have a strategic and critical role to play in helping to achieve gender equity. There is a perception that female
politicians offer different perspectives to issues. The media can be a vehicle through which
these female politicians can express their opinions. This is because the media is supposed to
offer freedom of expression to all its citizens regardless of gender. In order to examine if the
female ideology had a place in the Mail & Guardian a feminist theoretical approach was used.
The study employed a triangulation approach in which both the qualitative and quantitative
research methodologies were used. The quantitative method was employed to a small extent
to quantify the coverage of female politicians. Triangulation in data collection entailed using
both the content analysis and in-depth interviews. Findings of the study showed a violation of
the Protocol’s media requirements. News reporting about female politicians centred on
scandals and controversies and journalists and editors were ignorant of the Protocol’s media
requirements. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie was ’n feministiese ondersoek na die Mail & Guardian se verslaggewing oor vrouepolitici.
Dis gedoen met die interregeringsorganisasie, die Suider-Afrikaanse
Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG), se Protokol oor Geslag en Ontwikkeling as maatstaf.
Die Protokol is ’n beleid wat in 2008 deur die owerhede van die SAOG-lidlande van stapel
gestuur is, met die oog op geslagsgelykheid in sleutelsektore teen 2015. Dit dien as
instrument en hulpmiddel in die nastreef van bogenoemde. Die studie stel ondersoek in na die
handhawing, al dan nie, van die Protokol se mediavereistes deur die Mail & Guardian. Die
media se rol as verskaffer van inligting kan die strewe hierna bevorder. Die vereistes moedig
die media in die onderskeie streke aan om geslagsgelykheid toe te pas wat betref die gebruik
van nuusbronne, die skep van nuusberigte wat bydra tot die vermindering van
geslagsgebaseerde geweld en die uitbeeld van vroue wat wegskram van stereotipering en
onderdrukking. Die temas van die studie-"geslagsgebaseerde geweld",
"geslagsonderdrukking" en “stereotipering van vroue" is gevolglik deur die Protokol se
vereistes beïnvloed. Geslagsgebaseerde geweld is ’n wesenlike struikelblok in die pad van
ontwikkeling in Afrika, deels weens die swaar finansiële las wat dit plaas op gemeenskaplike
en regeringsvlak. Só moet slagoffers dikwels behandeling, skuiling en berading ontvang. Dit
het ook ’n besliste impak op vroue se produktiwiteit in die breër samelewing, aangesien
slagoffers van geslagsgebaseerde geweld in sommige gevalle afwesig is uit die werksomgewing om behandel te word of-in meer ernstige gevalle-sterf. Stereotipering en
onderdrukking word as uiters gevaarlik beskou, aangesien dit nie nét die ondergeskiktheid
van vroue laat voortleef nie; maar boonop jonger generasies van rolmodelle ontneem. Die
temas van die studie word verbind met vroulike parlementslede weens hul rolle as
beleidsopstellers en wetmakers. Dié vroue het strategiese en belangrike verpligtinge om na te
kom in die strewe na geslagsgelykheid. Die persepsie bestaan dat vroue-politici dikwels ’n
ander, nuwe perspektief op kwessies bied. Die media kan in dié opsig as ’n waardevolle
voertuig aangewend word om die perspektiewe tuis te bring. Die media het ook ’n plig om
vryheid van uitdrukking te verseker aan alle landsburgers - ongeag hulle geslag. Ten einde te
bepaal of die ideologie deur die Mail & Guardian toegepas is, is ’n feministiese teoretiese
aanslag gevolg. Die studie het gebruik gemaak van triangulasie, waartydens beide
kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodologieë ingespan is. Die kwantitatiewe
metode is gebruik om die mediadekking van vroue-politici te kwantifiseer. Triangulasie is
ook tydens die data-insamelingsproses gebruik. Dit het ingesluit die aanwend van inhoudsanalises, asook in-diepte onderhoude. Die bevinding van die studie dui op die
oortreding van die Protokol se mediavereistes. Verslaggewing oor vroue-politici is grootliks
toegespits op skandale en omstredenheid en beide joernaliste en inhoudsredakteurs blyk
onkundig te wees oor die vereistes.
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L’École, exception médiatique. La presse face aux enjeux des changements pédagogiques, 1959-2008 / School as a Media Exception. The Covering of Educational Change by French Print Media, 1959-2008Forestier, Yann 19 June 2014 (has links)
Cette thèse s’interroge sur l’intensité des débats, controverses et polémiques qui, en France, abordent la question de l’École, au moyen de l’étude du discours porté par la presse écrite généraliste entre 1959 et 2008, soit au cours du demi-siècle où se rencontrent la domination de ces débats par les enjeux liés à la démocratisation de l’enseignement du second degré et l’affirmation de la presse nationale d’information générale comme instance de prescription des débats intellectuels. Basé sur l’analyse statistique d’importants échantillons sélectionnés au sein d’un corpus de 8500 articles, ce travail s’attache à relier le contenu de ces textes aux réalités dont ils prétendent rendre compte, mettant en évidence les représentations qui sont élaborées et mobilisées. Dans le même temps, il examine les conditions de construction de l’information telle que la presse, dont les priorités et les méthodes évoluent, la façonne, et ce sur une matière scolaire dont la charge identitaire et les mutations à l’œuvre affectent de façon différenciée les catégories variées d’acteurs que les journaux font se rencontrer. / This thesis questions the intensity of the debates, controversies and polemics that revolve around the school question in France, by studying the speech developed in the general written press between 1959 and 2008, i.e. during the five decades when the domination of the stakes linked to the democratization of second-degree schooling and the affirmation of national general press as a framing authority of the intellectual debates meet. Based on the statistic analysis of important samples of a corpus of 8500 articles, this work seeks to link the content of these texts to the realities they claim to reflect, putting in relief the representations they contribute to work out and to mobilize. At the same time, it reviews the conditions of the treatment of information as shaped by the press – whose priorities and methods evolve – on a school matter with its specific identity stakes and current changes that affect in different ways the various categories of actors expressing themselves in newspapers.
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Textual representations of migrants and the process of migration in selected South African media a combined critical discourse analysis and corpus linguistics studyCrymble, Leigh January 2011 (has links)
South Africa has long been associated with racial and ethnic issues surrounding prejudice and discrimination and despite a move post-1994 to a democratic ‘rainbow nation’ society, the country has remained plagued by unequal power relations. One such instance of inequality relates to the marginalisation of migrants which has been realised through xenophobic attitudes and actions, most notably the violence that swept across the country in 2008. Several reasons have been suggested in an attempt to explain the cause of the violence, including claims that migrants are taking ‘our jobs and our women’, migrants are ‘illegal and criminal’ and bringing ‘disease and contamination’ with them from their countries of origin. Although widely accepted that many, if not all, of these beliefs are based on ignorance and hearsay, these extensive generalisations shape and reinforce prejudiced ideologies about migrant communities. It is thus only when confronted with evidence that challenges this dominant discourse, that South Africans are able to reconsider their views. Williams (2008) suggests that for many South Africans, Africa continues to be the ‘dark continent’ that is seen as an ominous, threatening force of which they have very little knowledge. For this reason, anti-immigrant sentiment in a South African context has traditionally been directed at African foreigners. In this study I examine the ways in which African migrants and migrant communities, as well as the overall processes of migration, are depicted by selected South African print media: City Press, Mail & Guardian and Sunday Times. Using a combined Corpus Linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis approach, I investigate the following questions: How are migrants and the process of migration into South Africa represented by these established newspapers between 2006 and 2010? Are there any differences or similarities between these representations? In particular, what ideologies regarding migrants and migrant communities underlie these representations? My analysis focuses on the landscape of public discourse about migration with an exploration of the rise and fall of the terminologies used to categorise migrants and the social implications of these classifications. Additionally, I analyse the expansive occurrences of negative representations of migrants, particularly through the use of ‘othering’ pronouns ‘us’ versus ‘them’ and through the use of metaphorical language which largely depicts these individuals as en masse natural disasters. I conclude that these discursive elements play a crucial role in contributing to an overall xenophobic rhetoric. Despite subtle differences between the three newspapers which can be accounted for based on their political persuasions and agendas, it is surprising to note how aligned these publications are with regard to their portrayal of migrants. With a few exceptions, this representation positions these individuals as powerless and disenfranchised and maintains the status quo view of migrants as burdens on the South African economy and resources. Overall, the newspaper articles contribute to mainstream dominant discourse on migrants and migration with the underlying ideology that migrants are responsible for the hardships suffered by South African citizens. Thus, this study contributes significantly to existing bodies of research detailing discourse on migrants and emphasises the intrinsic links between language, ideology and society.
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An investigation of the Ugandan publication Red Pepper: a case study from 2001-2004Opolot, Benedict January 2008 (has links)
Red Pepper has been the subject of much discussion in Uganda, with some accounts describing it as a liberal mouthpiece, and others as pornography. This case study, therefore, sought to investigate Red Pepper as a media phenomenon in Uganda in the 21st century, specifically between 2001 and 2004. Employing quantitative and qualitative methodologies, it focused on the production process and the text. Although sexualised content dominate its pages, and news about issues such as the environment and education are near-absent, its managers describe the publication as legitimate, normative and consistent with liberal media standards. Accordingly, to interrogate Red Pepper in terms of its journalistic functions, selected debates associated with liberal approaches to news media, media political economy, tabloidisation, pornography and gendered relations were reviewed. The analysis entailed five phases. The first was a denotative or descriptive analysis, which focused on the publication's structure and content focus. This was followed by an interview with management, a broad content analysis to establish the incidence of predefined content categories expected of the tabloid, pornographic and liberal press and, lastly, a theme-based content analysis that sought to establish the potential meanings and framing of the dominant content categories of gossip and sexualised copy. Overall, the study found Red Pepper to be a misogynistic tabloid, having elements said to belong to pornography and homophobia. According to the findings, not only does Red Pepper fall short of a liberal understanding of a newspaper in terms of diversity of topics, provision of information and professional practice, it also does not fit the understanding of an alternative public sphere, mainly because it fails to challenge the patriarchal framing of sex, sexuality and gendered relations. This framing is undertaken deliberately as a means to securing economic rather than journalistic ideals to which the editors pay lip service. Consequently, the gossip and sexualised content are not problematised and as such discourses and power relations therein are not interrogated. Neither are inadequacies in local systems addressed nor corrective action mobilised as expected of some tabloids. All in all, the publication fronts superficial entertainment content that echoes particular gender constructions and patriarchal commonsense and entrenches the (undesirable) status quo which, ironically, it claims to challenge.
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The ‘obesity epidemic’ : an analysis of representations of obesity in mainstream South African newspapers post-1997Malan, Chantelle Therese January 2015 (has links)
This study of 449 newspaper articles from South Africa from 1997 provides an analysis of the representations of obesity evinced in the corpus. The research argues that obesity is overwhelmingly framed as being diseased and that there are four main refrains within this frame, namely, statistics on obesity, the naturalisation of negative assumptions about fat, the social dysfunction of fat and the use of crisis metaphors to describe fatness. This framing lends itself to representations of obesity which are raced, gendered and classed. Fat bodies are portrayed as being in deficit and fat people as lacking agency. The disproportional focus on black bodies in the corpus can be attributed to assumptions of ‘incivility’ which are premised on racial stereotypes which construct black people as being unintelligent, irrational, lacking agency and being largely dependent on others to survive. This disproportional focus on black bodies can also be understood in the context of emerging markets. This study argues that the medicalisation of obesity has contributed to many oversimplifications and contradictions in the representation of obesity in the corpus, which seem to go unquestioned, such as the conflation of weight and health, something I argue is one of the main contributors to the negative consequences of the dominant framing of obesity. Framing obesity as medicalised also promotes fat shaming and acts as a form of social control which maintains existing power relations through the use of discursive practices for the identification and control of deviants. These representations are problematic chiefly because they promote the dehumanisation of fat people, but also because that they do not promote good health as they claim to do.
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The affects [sic] of behavior on celebrity imageArredondo, Christina Marlene 01 January 2005 (has links)
The purpose of this study is to develop a better understanding of how negative behavior affects a celebrity's public image.
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Bias in the network nightly news coverage of the 2004 presidential electionShelton, Stephen Arthur 01 January 2006 (has links)
Examines the issue of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party during the 2004 Presidential Election. To examine the most far reaching form of media in the United States, this study consisted of the three major television networks (ABC, CBS, NBC) and their weekday nightly newscasts during the entire month of October 2004. Emerging themes and strategies were compared to a study conducted at Sonoma State University of the year's most underreported yet newsworthy events. Results of the study indicate that no evidence exists to support the notion of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party in the media coverage leading up to the 2004 Presidential Election.
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