Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The onset of democracy in South Africa in 1994 was accompanied by the rise in bids for, and the hosting of sports mega-events so as to accomplish national interests and goals. This was done with the purpose of rebranding the South African image to the international community through national and international campaigns that sought to highlight the country’s aspirant status as a rainbow nation and its pan-Africanist ideals. This study investigates how, as host for the 2010 FIFA World Cup™, South Africa was reported on by two international online media newspapers, The New York Times (United States of America (USA)) and the Guardian (United Kingdom (UK)). The aim is to address an understudied aspect of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ by reflecting systematically on the tone and content of international media portrayals of the event, both before and during the tournament. The study has two focuses. Firstly, it considers the motives for South Africa’s bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup™. Secondly, it appraises the content and nature of reporting in the two overseas newspapers. The study uses a mix of secondary and primary sources, which include academic journals, books, websites, newspaper articles and government and the FIFA websites. The findings of this study suggest that the bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ was based on the country’s positive experience from hosting previous sports mega-events. Additionally, South Africa wanted to showcase its commercial maturity, its development of physical infrastructure, and the presence of human skills. The motives underpinning the bid aimed at dispelling and challenging international misconceptions of the African continent. The novelty of an African country bidding to stage and hosting a sport mega-event such as the FIFA World Cup™ resulted in the country gaining extensive international media coverage from The New York Times and the Guardian. The qualitative and quantitative content analysis from these two newspapers yielded some commonality and recurrence of words such as: “stadium”, “tickets”, ‘vuvuzela”, “crime”, and “security”. The differences between the two newspapers were minimal, supporting the liberal-pluralist theoretical claim that the media acts as an agenda setter, and in line with the Marxist theory of the ideological role of the media. Media coverage of sports mega-events is important and influential in determining the way in which the host country is branded, and future studies are necessary to address the / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die koms van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het gepaard gegaan met die toename in tenders en die gasheerskap van megasportgebeure om nasionale belange en doelwitte te bereik. Die doel was die herposisionering van die Suid-Afrikaanse beeld in die internasionale gemeenskap deur middel van nasionale en internasionale veldtogte wat daarna gestreef het om die land se reënboognasiebeeld en sy pan-Afrikanistiese ideale te beklemtoon. Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe Suid-Afrika, as gasheer vir die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker, deur twee internasionale aanlynmediakoerante, The New York Times (Verenigde State van Amerika) en die Guardian (Verenigde Koninkryk) uitgebeeld is. Die doel is om die meer onverkende aspekte van Suid-Afrika se gasheerskap onder oë te neem, en voorts om sistematiese peiling te doen van die toon en inhoud van internasionale media-uitbeeldings van die sport gebeurtenis. Die studie het twee fokuspunte. Eerstens word ondersoek ingestel na die motiewe van Suid-Afrika se bod om die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker aan te bied. Tweedens beoordeel dit die inhoud en aard van verslaggewing in die twee oorsese koerante. Die studie gebruik ’n mengsel van sekondêre en primêre bronne, insluitend akademiese tydskrifte, boeke, webwerwe, koerantberigte en die regering en FIFA se webwerwe. Die bevindinge van hierdie studie beklemtoon dat die motiewe van Suid-Afrika se bod om die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker aan te bied, gegrond was op die bewese positiewe prestasierekord wat die land as gasheer in vorige megasportgebeure opgebou het. Voorts wou Suid-Afrika sy kommersiële volwassenheid, die ontwikkeling van fisiese infrastruktuur, en die teenwoordigheid van mensvaardighede ten toon te stel. Die motiewe vir die bod was ook daarop gemik om internasionale wanopvattings oor die Afrika-vasteland uit te daag en uit die weg te ruim. Die ongekendheid van die aanbied van ’n megasportgebeurtenis soos die FIFA Wêreldbeker deur ’n Afrikaland, het daartoe gelei dat die land uitgebreide internasionale mediadekking in The New York Times en die Guardian geniet het. Die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe inhoudontleding het getoon dat daar ’n mate van gemeenskaplikheid en herhaling van woorde was, soos: “stadium”, “tickets”, “vuvuzela”, “crime” en “security”. Die verskille tussen die twee koerante was minimaal en ondersteun liberaal-pluralistiese teorie wat die media as ’n agenda steller uitwys. Dit ondersteun ook Marxistiese teorie oor die ideologiese rol van die media. Mediadekking van megasportgebeure is belangrik en invloedryk in die bepaling van die manier waarop die gasheerland as handelsmerk voorgestel word, en toekomstige studies is nodig om die onderbestudeerde aspekte van die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker ™ te ontleed. Dit sluit onder andere in, ontleding van die langtermyn ekonomiese, politieke en maatskaplike nalatenskappe van so ’n gebeurtenis.

我們身處於一個充滿風險的社會。金融海嘯、核能危機、全球暖化、食品問題等，在說明社會步向現代化的後遺症，正如何為人類帶來更難預測的風險，並無孔不入般影響我們的日常生活(Beck, 1992)。在這理論基礎上，本文將探究新聞製作於建構風險的角色，並提出一個名為「客觀化」(objectification) 的過程---新聞媒體如何在科學專家的意見眾說紛紜、對風險難有最終定案之下，把有關社會風險的新聞論述詮釋為客觀的社會事實。我尤其探討風險範例的建構---一些有關風險的新聞事件其後演變為重要範例，並影響日後類似事件的新聞論述。 / 為求以實證方法探究風險「合理化」的過程，我將以香港(中華人民共和國的特別行政區) 的新聞論述如何回應2009年全球豬流感危機作為案例。豬流感是香港經歷2003年非典型肺炎危機(又稱「沙士」) 的重創後，首次面對的全球疫症危機。香港新聞如何呈現豬流感疫情，亦深受「沙士」時的歷史回憶、經驗及後遺所影響。故此，這案例有助我研究風險範例於風險「合理化」時的作用。我從香港報章隨機抽樣出有關豬流感的新聞論述的樣本，並透過內容分析和文本分析，研究香港新聞如何敍述豬流感危機，以及相關敍述所包含的意識形態。我亦走訪了當年採訪豬流感新聞的新聞工作者、有份向傳媒提供專家意見的醫學專家、以及負責制定香港政府防控豬流感政策的官員，以了解建構豬流感風險背後的社會互動。 / 本文的研究顯示，香港有關豬流感危機的新聞論述，是如何奠基於「沙士」這風險範例而建構。豬流感起來襲初時，新聞論述廣泛地藉「沙士」的經驗去詮釋豬流感可能帶給香港的後果。新聞工作者於「沙士」時的採訪經歷，亦成為他們報道豬流感新聞時尋找醫學專家意見的參照經驗，尤其是當醫學專家意見紛紜、新聞工作者要判斷誰人的意見較有權威去界定健康風險之時。本文主要闡述新聞的建構於社會回應風險時所起的關鍵作用，從而帶出這於風險社會理論、以及當我們探究新聞媒體及傳播於現代風險社會的角色時，仍未受足夠重視的重要層面。 / We are witnessing the formation of a risk society, with financial instability, nuclear catastrophes, global warming, and food crises, and just to give a few examples, becoming parts of our everyday life in an age of risk characterized by uncertainties stemming from system failure of modernization (Beck, 1992). In the light of this theoretical concern, in this study I shall scrutinize how news making plays its role in the construction of risk. This, I suggest, is a process of risk objectification ---how news media justifies its discourse of social risk by making social facts upon uncertainties and inconclusive scientific opinions. Specifically, I shall focus on the creation of risk exemplar. That is, some news events become critical exemplar that would shape the news construction of subsequent crises of similar sources. / To look into the process of risk objectification empirically, I shall examine what were the main features of the news discourse in Hong Kong, a Special Administrative Region of China, in reaction to the global health crisis of Swine Flu in 2009. Swine Flu was the first pandemic crisis encountered by Hong Kong after its devastating suffering from the epidemic of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) in 2003. The news representation of Swine Flu was influenced by the historical memory, experience and legacies of SARS and this helps illustrate how risk exemplar contributes to risk legitimization. I carried out content and textual analysis respectively on a random sample of Hong Kong’s newspapers for the purpose of analyzing the key narrations of Swine Flu and the underlying ideological packages of such narrations. I also conducted in-depth interviews with journalists, medical experts and public officials who were deeply involved in the news making of Swine Flu so as to uncover the social dynamics in the process of risk construction. / Key findings of this thesis highlight how the health crisis of Swine Flu was staged by the risk exemplar of SARS. Experience of SARS was widely drawn upon for making sense of the potential impacts of Swine Flu when it first broke out. It was also the key reference for journalists when seeking expert advices, particularly when identifying those who are more authoritative among different opinions in defining the nature of the risk. It is my argument that news making plays a critical role in the shaping of the social reactions to a risk. My analysis thus adds an important, but somehow unduly neglected, dimension to theory of risk society and our understanding of the role of news media and communication in contemporary risk society. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Chan, Chi Kit. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 240-250). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Chan, Chi Kit.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the discursive role and positioning of arts journalism at Die Burger during a period of radical transformation in South African society. The study is conducted within a critical-cultural paradigm. Arts journalists are considered to be manufacturers of cultural capital, a term devised by Pierre Bourdieu as part of his comprehensive field theory framework. While Bourdieu uses cultural capital in the main to describe the role of education and culture in the maintenance of elite power hierarchies, this study investigates how the nature of cultural capital at Die Burger was affected by power shifts when competing elites jostled for dominance in a post-apartheid dispensation. By drawing on Michel Foucault’s theory of discourse, the focus of research further incorporates the discursive positioning of arts journalists in their coverage of arts and cultural events in the 1990s in relation to shifting configurations of power. The argument is that arts journalism at Die Burger can be situated within networks of power and thus contributed to the structuring of post-apartheid society. In the words of Antonio Gramsci, arts journalists became involved in hegemonic and counter-hegemonic struggles. Flowing from these theoretical departure points, the study identifies critical discourse analysis (CDA) as an appropriate research method for textual analysis and adapts a five-phase model suggested by Teun van Dijk as part of his contextual CDA approach. The analysis thus focuses in turn on the context of discourse, discursive struggles between arts journalists and political journalists, strategies of classification used by arts journalists, emerging themes of discourse in arts journalism, and how the selection and presentation of arts journalism on news and arts pages were influenced by various factors, including the personal background and experiences of arts journalists (The concept of Bourdieu’s “habitus”). To affect triangulation and enhance the textual analysis, the study also employs semi-structured indepth interviews with arts journalists who were prominent at Die Burger in the 1990s. The study found that arts journalists were at the intersection of different and often diverging and contradictory power-points in post-apartheid discourses at the newspaper. On the one hand, some arts journalists embraced a legacy of editorial independence at the arts desk and sometimes created oppositional discourses to the official political view of the newspaper: for instance on the issue of alleged “collective guilt” for Afrikaners and whether Naspers should appear before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to explain its role in supporting the National Party (NP) during apartheid. On the other hand, many arts journalists shared the editor’s apparent aversion to the international cultural boycott supported by the ANC and harboured some of the same skepticism about the so-called Africanisation of society and resultant attacks on Eurocentrism in the arts. This study -- the first on this level to focus on Afrikaans arts journalism since 1994 -- represents a significant contribution to knowledge in the under-researched field of arts journalism in South Africa. Its purpose and process has furthermore developed theoretical and methodological innovations which can enrich the field of journalism studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie -- vanuit 'n kritiese kulturele paradigma -- ondersoek die diskursiewe posisionering en rol van kunsjoernalistiek by Die Burger gedurende 'n periode van radikale transformasie in die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing. Kunsjoernaliste word beskryf as vervaardigers van kulturele kapitaal, soos gekonsepsualiseer deur Pierre Bourdieu in sy omvattende raamwerk van veldteorie. Terwyl Bourdieu die term kulturele kapitaal hoofsaaklik gebruik om die rol van opvoeding en kultuur in die behoud van hierargieë van elite-mag te beskryf, ondersoek hierdie studie hoe die aard van kulturele kapitaal by Die Burger beïnvloed is deur magsverskuiwings waarin mededingende post-apartheid elite-groepe mekaar die stryd aangesê het. Deur gebruik te maak van Michel Foucault se teorie van diskoers, val die fokus van navorsing dus op die diskursiewe posisionering van kunsjoernaliste in hul dekking van kuns-en-kultuurgebeure in the 1990’s. Die argument is dat kunsjoernalistiek by Die Burger binne magsnetwerke geplaas kan word en bygedra het tot die strukturering van die post-apartheid samelewing. In Antonio Gramsci se terme het kunsjoernaliste dus betrokke geraak in die stryd om hegemonie te skep en teen te werk. Uitvloeiend uit hierdie teoretiese vertrekpunte word kritiese diskoersanalise (KDA) as navorsingsmetode vir die ontleding van joernalistieke tekste geïdentifiseer. Daarvolgens word 'n model met vyf stappe, voorgestel deur Teun van Dijk as deel van sy KDA-benadering, aangepas vir gebruik. Die analise fokus dus om die beurt op die konteks van diskoers, die diskursiewe stryd tussen kunsjoernaliste en politieke joernaliste, strategieë van klassifikasie wat kunsjoernaliste gebruik het, temas van diskoers wat aan die lig gekom het in kunsjoernalistiek, en hoe die seleksie en aanbieding van kuns-en-kultuur-nuus deur verskillende faktore beïnvloed is, insluitend deur die persoonlike agtergrond en ondervinding van kunsjoernaliste (“habitus” in Bourdieu se teorie). Om triangulasie te bewerkstelling en die teks-analise te ondersteun, is semi-gestruktureerde in-diepte onderhoude met prominente kunsjoernaliste aangelê. Die studie het vasgestel dat kunsjoernaliste in post-apartheid diskoerse in die koerant hulself op 'n kruispunt van verskillende, soms uiteenlopende en selfs opponerende strominge van mag bevind het. Aan die een kant het sommige kunsjoernaliste 'n tradisie van redaksionele onafhanklikheid omarm en soms opposisionele politieke diskoerse in vergelyking met die amptelike beleid van die koerant geskep, byvoorbeeld oor die kwessie van beweerde “kollektiewe skuld” vir Afrikaners en of Naspers voor die Waarheid-en- Versoeniningskommissie (WVK) moes verskyn om sy rol as ondersteuner van die Nasionale Party (NP) gedurende apartheid te verduidelik. Maar aan die ander kant het talle kunsjoernaliste die redakteur se klaarblyklike afkeer gedeel aan die internasionale kultuurboikot wat deur die ANC ondersteun is. Kunsjoernaliste was ook skepties oor die sogenaamde Afrikanisering van die samelewing en gevolglike aanvalle op Eurosentriese kuns. Ten slotte maak hierdie studie -- die eerste op hierdie vlak oor Afrikaanse kunsjoernalistiek sedert 1994 -- 'n belangrike bydrae tot die yl kennisveld van kunsjoernalistiek in Suid-Afrika. In die proses het die studie ook teoretiese en metodologiese innovasies aangebring wat die veld van joernalistiek-studies kan verryk.

This thesis is an examination of the printed media in France (1955-1963), as represented by two mainstream newspapers: Le Monde (left-centrist) and Le Figaro (right-centrist). Using these newspapers, as well as Gallup polls recorded at the time, this study explores correlations of what was reported in newspapers and how French public opinion evolved during the course of the war. These two major sources of information are shown to have given contradictory information, thus accounting for some of the paradoxes found in public opinion polls. Specifically, the paradoxes analyzed in the study concern the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) and the Pieds-Noirs (the European population of North Africa).

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-09-13T12:51:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Nilson de Oliveira Rodrigues.pdf: 1090899 bytes, checksum: 2c751f842ea67f4c64b373d60aa16b40 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-13T12:51:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nilson de Oliveira Rodrigues.pdf: 1090899 bytes, checksum: 2c751f842ea67f4c64b373d60aa16b40 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research reflects upon the global semantics on the construction of the journalistic discourse in editorials. Having as background the relation between the discourse frames, our objective is to verify how the dimensions of global semantics operate the theme of violent acts during social protests on the functional practice of journalistic discourse. This theme is relevant hence the issue of violence has increasingly become a focus of attention in our society. Based on the assumption that each discourse frame has its own relevant marks and that there is a system of global constraints that rules the discourse, we have chosen as theoretical reference the French line Discourse Analysis, more specifically the enunciative discourse device proposed by Maingueneau (2008b). We have elected as the categories of analysis the interdiscourse, the frames of global semantics – vocabulary, intertextuality, theme, enunciator and co-enunciator statute, discursive deixis, mode of enunciation mode and cohesion mode, besides the conditions of elaborating discourses. The reference corpus is constituted by three editorials on the newspaper Folha de S.Paulo, among them, two from 2013 and one from 2016, all spread right after big street protests. On the analysis, based on the principle of global semantics, we have verified that it is not feasible to privilege a frame and disregard the others, which made us realize that the effects of sense emerge not from only one, but from the whole set of frames, organized according to the global semantics. Based on the results achieved, we have also validated that the global semantics allows to deepen an apprehension of the limits of discursiveness in order to acknowledge that the system of semantic constraints sets up the principles which makes the discourse from the newspaper Folha de S.Paulo belongs to distinct positions, even when dealing with the same theme during close time periods. The paradigm of transdisciplinarity urges us to spread our view to other areas to increase our reflections: on the questions related to journalistic discourse, we were based on Kunczik (1997) and Melo (1994, 2006). For the study on media, we have applied to Charaudeau (2015); for the study on violence, we have consulted Dias (2008), Michaud (1989), among others / Esta pesquisa trata de refletir acerca da semântica global na constituição dos discursos presentes em editoriais jornalísticos. Tendo como base a relação entre os planos do discurso, nosso objetivo é o de procurar verificar como as dimensões da semântica global operam o tema dos atos de violência ocorridos durante as manifestações sociais no funcionamento da prática discursiva jornalística. O tratamento desse tema é importante uma vez que o problema da violência tem se tornado cada vez mais objeto de atenção da sociedade. Apoiados no pressuposto de que cada funcionamento discursivo tem suas marcas relevantes e que há um sistema de restrições globais que rege o discurso, tomamos como referencial teórico a Análise do Discurso (AD) de linha francesa, mais especificamente o dispositivo enunciativo-discursivo proposto por Maingueneau (2008b). Elegemos como categorias de análise o interdiscurso, os planos da semântica global – o vocabulário, a intertextualidade, o tema, o estatuto do enunciador e do coenunciador, a dêixis discursiva, o modo de enunciação e o modo de coesão, além das condições de produção dos discursos. O corpus de referência é constituído por três editoriais do jornal Folha de S.Paulo, sendo dois deles de 2013 e um de 2016, veiculados logo após o acontecimento de grandes protestos de rua. Na análise, baseada no princípio da semântica global, verificamos que não é possível privilegiar um plano em detrimento do outro, o que nos revelou que os efeitos de sentido emergem não de um, mas do conjunto de planos, organizados de acordo com a semântica global. Verificamos, ainda, com base nos resultados alcançados, que a semântica global permite aprofundar uma apreensão dos limites da discursividade, com vistas a constatar que o sistema de restrições semânticas instala os princípios que tornam o discurso do jornal Folha de S.Paulo pertencente a posicionamentos distintos, mesmo em face do tratamento do mesmo tema, em períodos históricos bem próximos. O paradigma da transdisciplinaridade nos compele a angariar outras áreas para ampliar nossa reflexão: sobre as questões relativas ao discurso jornalístico, nos baseamos em Kunczik (1997) e Melo (1994, 2006). Para o estudo das mídias, recorremos a Charaudeau (2015); sobre os estudos da violência, valemo-nos de Dias (2008), Michaud (1989), dentre outras

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-05T13:01:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Emerson Alves Irineu Magalhães.pdf: 1299977 bytes, checksum: db8eb3656b61af71da01657766f275fb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-05T13:01:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Emerson Alves Irineu Magalhães.pdf: 1299977 bytes, checksum: db8eb3656b61af71da01657766f275fb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-10 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The present paper studies how two newspapers reported the strikes of 1978, 1979 and 1980, the two newspapers we chose for this were ABCD Jornaland Folha de S. Paulo, the choice of these strikes is due to its repercussion in the media and its unfolding by its leaders in the creations of a political party and a workers, Folha de S. Pauloand ABCD Jornalnewspapers were our sources of research. The Folhathat defended the military civilian regime at its birth will be an opponent of the created legislations and seeks to break with the imposed regime, but always maintaining a legalistic stance, the ABCD Jornalwill have a distinct path some of its idealizers started their fight against the dictatorship imposed on the Brazil with clandestine actions and formation of guerrilla groups, after their arrests this group began a rapprochement of the trade union movement, denouncing the ills suffered by the works through the newspaper that constructed the ABCD Jornal, this will have like the leaf a legalistic stance, each interpreting to the strike movement from his point of view / O presente trabalho tem por intuito o estudo de como dois jornais noticiaram as greves de 1978, 1979 e 1980. Os dois jornais escolhidos como fonte de pesquisa foram o ABCD Jornale Folha de S. Paulo.A escolha destas greves como foco do estudo se deu devido a sua repercussão na mídia e seus desdobramentos por parte de seus lideres na criação de um partido político e uma Central dos Trabalhadores. O jornal A Folha,que defendeuo regime civil militar em seu nascimento, será um opositor das legislações criadas e busca romper com o regime imposto, porém, sempre mantendo uma postura legalista. O ABCD Jornalterá um caminho distinto, pois alguns de seus idealizadores iniciaram sua luta contra a ditadura imposta no Brasil com ações clandestinas e com a formação de grupo guerrilheiro. Após suas prisões este grupo iniciou uma reaproximação do movimento sindical, denunciando as mazelas sofridas pelos trabalhadores através do jornal que construíram o ABCD Jornal. O ABCD Jornal teve, assim como a Folha, uma postura legalista, cada um interpretando a lei sob seu ponto e vista

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-02-08T11:20:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Yusuf Elemen.pdf: 2929492 bytes, checksum: 224f344a7703f6bc76e313d125d1b1ec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-08T11:20:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Yusuf Elemen.pdf: 2929492 bytes, checksum: 224f344a7703f6bc76e313d125d1b1ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / On July 15, 2016, there was a military coup attempt in Turkey by a faction within the Turkish Armed Forces that presented themselves as the "Council of Peace at Home", but, this time - different from what happened with the previous ones, such as 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1997 coup d'état - was not successful. The attempted coup is considered the most important event since 1946 by its political and social results. In this sense, the Brazilian press published a great volume of news on the subject, due to the international impact generated by the coup. The aim of this work is to analyze the coverage of the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo, from July 16 to August 30, 2016 / No dia 15 de julho de 2016, houve uma tentativa de golpe militar na Turquia, por uma facção dentro das Forças Armadas turcas que se apresentaram como o “Conselho da Paz na Pátria”, contudo, desta vez – diferentemente do que ocorreu com os anteriores, como os golpes de 1960, 1971, 1980 e 1997 – este não foi bem-sucedido. A tentativa de golpe é considerada o mais importante acontecimento desde 1946 por seus resultados políticos e sociais. Nesse sentido, a imprensa brasileira publicou um grande volume de notícias sobre o assunto, devido ao impacto internacional gerado pelo golpe. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o enquadramento da cobertura dos jornais Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo e O Globo, no período de 16 de julho a 30 de agosto de 2016

This thesis is based on a particular domain of anthropological inquiry, the anthropology of policy, which proposes that policy be contemplated as an ethnographic object itself. The policy I consider is Australia's refugee policy, which advocates the mandatory detention of

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