Economic retrenchment, social shifts, and technological changes endanger journalism's democratic role. Journalism education faces parallel threats. I review the state of journalism and education, linking the crisis to society's loss of story, framed philosophically by the Dewey-critical theory split over journalism and power. I explore the potential for renewing journalism and education with Carey's ritual model and Postman's restoration of storytelling. I then summarize existing major academic programs and suggest a new interdisciplinary curriculum for environmental journalism, a specialty well suited to experimental, democracy-centered education. The curriculum uses as pedagogy active and conversational learning and reflection. A graduate introductory course is detailed, followed by additional suggested classes that could form the basis of a graduate certificate program or, with further expansion, a graduate degree concentration.

This study seeks to determine, through content analysis, whether there was evidence in news magazines during the 1980 presidential campaign to support the claim that Anderson was a "media-created candidate." Studying weekly issues of Time, Newsweek, and U. S. News & World Report from April 28, 1980 through November 3, 1980, it was found that (a) Anderson received 17 per cent of the total campaign coverage, compared to Reagan's 42 per cent and Carter's 37 per cent, and (b) overall, Anderson's coverage was mildly negative in all magazines. The study concludes that rather than "creating" Anderson, news magazines may have undercut his viability by restricting the length and number of stories about him.

This study is concerned with determining whether the Turkish newspaper, Cumhuriyet, and the Greek newspaper, To Vima, differed in their coverage of the 1974 Cyprus crisis, Issues of the newspapers covering the period, July 16-August 31, 1974, were examined, News items related to the crisis were categorized as hard news, soft news, editorials, and illustrations. Totals for each category were measured in column inches and converted to percentages of total available space in each newspaper, Categories were added to obtain total coverage of the crisis by each newspaper. This study concludes that Cumhuriyet devoted proportionately more coverage to the crisis than To Vima, in both total coverage and all news categories.

The purpose of this thesis is to reveal the slanderous rhetoric of the Federalist and Republican parties during the American presidential election of 1800. Both parties relied on newspapers, pamphlets, sermons, and songs to influence public opinion; however, newspapers were the most effective means of swaying the voters. Although the Federalists, led by John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, had almost twice as many partisan newspapers to disseminate their propaganda, the Republicans, under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson, had a much larger number of journals that were substantially more dogmatic in their denunciations. This advantage, coupled with internal Federalist crises, enabled the Republicans to be victorious at the polls. This study proves that the campaign of 1800 was one of the most libelous and rancorous in United States history.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-09T13:03:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 João Leopoldo e Silva.pdf: 6402288 bytes, checksum: d3b037e7023d3505e8659d9ef856d0eb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T13:03:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 João Leopoldo e Silva.pdf: 6402288 bytes, checksum: d3b037e7023d3505e8659d9ef856d0eb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-08 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This research aims to analyze two journalistic productions regarding to the recent phenomena that led to the expansion of the paramilitary group Daesh into a 'Caliphate', the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Several media companies sent correspondents and journalists who, through news, sought to keep their viewers connected and informed about the ongoing war. Two productions among the great tangle of information available on the internet stand out in this matter: the documentary The Islamic State (2014), produced by the American news company Vice, and the magazine Dabiq (2014-2016) produced by the ISIS itself. Tied with the studies of audiovisual, journalistic and recent sources, the research seeks to follow the 'History of the Present', addressing issues focused on the media construction of EIIL in order to discuss the nuances, approximations and distancing of both productions in focus / A presente pesquisa busca analisar duas produções jornalísticas sobre o fenômeno recente da expansão do grupo paramilitar islâmico Daesh em um ‘Califado’, o chamado Estado Islâmico do Iraque e do Levante (EIIL). Diversas companhias de comunicação enviaram correspondentes e jornalistas que, através de notícias, buscaram manter seus espectadores conectados e informados sobre a guerra em andamento. Duas produções dentre o grande emaranhado de informações disponíveis na internet se destacam neste sentido: o documentário The Islamic State (2014), produzido pela companhia norte-americana de notícias Vice, e a revista Dabiq (2014-2016) realizada e produzida pelo próprio EIIL. Ancorada nos estudos perante fontes audiovisuais e jornalísticas, a pesquisa visa ir ao encontro da ‘História do Presente’ abordando questões voltadas à construção midiática do EIIL de maneira a discutir as nuances, aproximações e distanciamentos das produções em foco

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-08-15T12:20:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Alberto Alves dos Santos.pdf: 67754761 bytes, checksum: fc1d70cf101f7502730af69d47551488 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T12:20:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Alberto Alves dos Santos.pdf: 67754761 bytes, checksum: fc1d70cf101f7502730af69d47551488 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP / "Which simulacrum of Pope does the Paulista press media build when showing us the leaders of the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church after its respective elections?" That problematic guides the present dissertation. Using a corpus from "O Estado de S. Paulo" newspaper pages and the "Folha de São Paulo" in a 135 period of years, it is possible to analyze how this media plans a typology confronting its own values with the ones from the Catholic Church, which shows the thematic role of the Pope. The hypothesis is that the newspaper shows ways of presence for each Pope according to their own interests, trying to deceive the image of the elected Cardinal. Still, in a new perspective of the new theory that despite the restrictions of the Church, the simulacrum carries a way of being in the World deceived by individual characteristics from each Cardinal that is elected - in a syncretism of destinators. This investigation aims to deepen the reflection about language syncretism in the truths of the analyzed pages. On one hand, the Church as a destinator schedules the thematic route for the Popes. This route is lived by one Cardinal, himself as a destinator. In the Saint Peter Basilica balcony, these routes unify themselves and are projected for the World. Captured by the media, the scene is reorganized in another way through the newspaper pages by the language syncretism - verbal, visual and spacial. The theoretical foundation is the Discursive Semiotic, created by Algirdas Greimas and its unfolding in the Social Semiotics by Eric Landowski. It is taken to consideration the Plastic Semiotic, organized by Jean Marie Floch and build on by Ana Claudia Oliveira, especially in the studies of esthesia that make us feel the new Pope. The results aim to the possibility of a link between the simulacrum typologies built by the medias with interaction and risks, showing in the media projection the Catholic leaders and that there is a predominance in the hazards of accidents that reveals a dynamic by visibility. The new is, in fact, a figurativization of the new that remains in its depths with the intentionality and propagations of the Church's old speech / “Quais simulacros de Papa a mídia impressa paulista constrói ao dar a ver os líderes da Igreja Católica Apostólica Romana logo após suas respectivas eleições?” é a problemática que norteia a presente dissertação. A partir de um corpus de páginas dos jornais “O Estado de S.Paulo” e “Folha de S.Paulo” num período de 135 anos, analisa-se como essa mídia projeta tipologias confrontando seus valores com os da Igreja Católica, programadora do papel temático “Papa”. A hipótese é a de que os jornais circulam modos de presença de cada Papa conforme seus interesses, pasteurizando as identidades do Cardeal eleito. Ainda assim, postula-se, numa perspectiva nova da teoria, que apesar das prescrições da Igreja, o simulacro projetado carrega consigo o modo de ser e de estar no mundo forjado pelas características individuais de cada Cardeal que assume a função – num sincretismo de destinadores. A investigação tem o objetivo de aprofundar a reflexão sobre o sincretismo de linguagens na concretude das páginas analisadas. De um lado, o destinador Igreja programa o percurso temático dos Papas. Esse percurso é vivido por um Cardeal específico, ele próprio um destinador. Na sacada da Basílica de São Pedro, esses percursos se unificam e se projetam para o mundo. Capturada pela mídia, a cena é reorganizada em outra manifestação que articula nas páginas dos jornais o sincretismo de linguagens – verbal, visual e espacial. A fundamentação teórica é a da Semiótica Discursiva, elaborada por Algirdas Greimas, e seus desdobramentos na Sociossemiótica de Eric Landowski. Leva-se em consideração a Semiótica Plástica, organizada por Jean Marie Floch e aprofundada nos estudos de Ana Claudia Oliveira, em especial no estudo da estesia das qualidades sensíveis que fazem sentir o novo Papa. Os resultados apontam para a possibilidade de uma articulação entre as tipologias dos simulacros construídos pelas mídias com os regimes de interação e risco, mostrando que na projeção midiática dos líderes católicos há uma predominância nas dêixis do acidente e do ajustamento que revelam uma dinâmica pela visibilidade. O novo é, na verdade, uma figurativização do novo que mantém, na profundidade, as intencionalidades e programações do velho discurso da Igreja

Li Yee Ching, Magdalene. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 154-160). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgments --- p.i / Abstract --- p.ii / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction / Overview --- p.1 / Research Objective --- p.5 / Conceptualization --- p.7 / Organization of the paper --- p.11 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Communication and Collective Memory / Overview --- p.13 / Collective Memory and Social Changes --- p.20 / Collective Memory and Political Changes --- p.22 / Mass Media and Collective Memory --- p.23 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Research Design / Discourse Analysis of the Representation of June4 --- p.31 / Data Analysis --- p.34 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Initial Frames of Remembrance of the Tiananmen Incident in1989 / The Structure of the Available Past --- p.38 / The 1989 Pro-Democracy Movement in Beijing --- p.40 / Framing the June 4 Incident in the Hong Kong Context --- p.45 / Contextualizing the 1989 Pro-democracy Movement --- p.56 / June 4 and the Hong Kong Media --- p.61 / Chapter Chapter 5: --- The First Anniversary of the Crackdown in1990 / Commemoration and Collective Memory --- p.66 / The Commemoration Project of June4 --- p.67 / The Media as a Field of Memory --- p.68 / Cultivating Collective Memory --- p.70 / Interpreting the Changes in Memory --- p.77 / Chapter Chapter 6: --- The 5th Anniversary of June 4 in1994 / The Script of the June 4 Anniversary --- p.80 / The Commemoration Project in1994 --- p.81 / Shifting Media Representations of Key Players --- p.83 / Subdued Commemoration of the Media --- p.91 / The Context of Changes in the June 4 Memory --- p.93 / The Role of the Media --- p.96 / Chapter Chapter 7: --- The June 4 Incident Commemoration on the Eve of the1997 Handover / Contradictions in the Memory of June4 --- p.101 / Media's Coverage and the June 4 Commemoration --- p.103 / Representation of Major Actors in1997 --- p.104 / Media's Interpretation of the Meaning of June4 --- p.113 / Interpreting the Changes --- p.115 / Chapter Chapter 8: --- Commemorating the June 4 Incident in a Chinese City The 10th Anniversary of June4 / Ambiguous Definition of the June 4 Incident --- p.120 / The Media and the Mnemonic Dispute --- p.124 / The Wider Context of the 10th Anniversary --- p.128 / Remembering to Forget: Interpreting the Changes in1999 --- p.131 / Chapter Chapter 9: --- Conclusions: The People Will Not Forget --- p.136 / Bibliography --- p.154 / Appendix 1: Survey on People's Opinion on the June Fourth Incident --- p.161 / Appendix 2: Protocol for Textual Analysis --- p.163 / Appendix 3: Interview Protocol --- p.164 / Appendix 4:Interviewee Profile --- p.165

This study was designed to determine (a) the extent of the coverage in total wordage; (b) the direction and intensity of the articles; and (c) the impression conveyed by each newspaper toward the two main parties of the war. The findings show that (a) The New York Times devoted nearly twice as many words to the war as The Times of London; (b) the majority of the articles were neutral; (c) The New York Times was more favorable to the leftists and was as favorable to the rightists as The Times of London; and (d) the two newspapers were consistent in direction, and all deviation from neutrality remained within the limits of mild intensity.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-01-23T11:30:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Merilyn Escobar de Oliveira.pdf: 1790857 bytes, checksum: 66cfcb8f2452ad7d09ceede15679facd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-23T11:30:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Merilyn Escobar de Oliveira.pdf: 1790857 bytes, checksum: 66cfcb8f2452ad7d09ceede15679facd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The debate on the crisis of political parties, institutions and democracy remained on the agenda of contemporary political science studies throughout the last century. In the last decades, the perception of fragile political representation, anti-party sentiment and distrust in the institutions has been the subject matter of the media, the political scene and social life. The reports of irregularities, corruption, fraud, privileges of politicians and parties became frequent in the Brazilian news. And it is in this scenario of national politics that the theme of political reform emerges as a "remedy" for all the evils of our country's electoral system. On the occasion of the political crisis of 2005 and 2006, which reached the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) in the legislature of former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, on the existence of a "caixa dois" (illegal financing), and Exchange of political support ("mensalão"), flaws already crystallized in the Brazilian political system. The fragility of the legislation on party contributions, the fragmentation in the National Congress and the heated debates on the fight against corruption in government were highlighted. The present work analyzes the editorials of the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo in the period between 2003 and 2010, that corresponds to the PT management in the Federal Government; our intention was to understand how the approach, the framing and the construction of the discourse on the political reform in debate in the National Congress, during the activities of the Special Commission of Political Reform and the Commission of Constitution Justice and Citizenship (CCJ) / O debate sobre a crise dos partidos políticos, instituições e democracia permaneceu na agenda de estudos da ciência política contemporânea, durante todo o século passado. Nas últimas décadas, o aumento da percepção sobre a frágil representação política, o sentimento antipartidário e a desconfiança nas instituições foram os assuntos que alimentaram a pauta dos meios de comunicação, do cenário político e da vida social. As denúncias de irregularidades, corrupção, fraudes, privilégios dos políticos e partidos tornaram-se frequentes nos noticiários brasileiros. E é neste cenário da política nacional, que surge o tema da reforma política como um “remédio” para todos os males do sistema eleitoral de nosso país. Por ocasião da crise política, de 2005 e 2006, que atingiu o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) na legislatura do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, sobre a existência de um “caixa dois” (financiamento ilegal), e do pagamento em troca de apoio político (“mensalão”), vieram à tona falhas já cristalizadas no sistema político brasileiro. Como pano fundo, evidenciou-se a fragilidade da legislação sobre as contribuições partidárias, a fragmentação no Congresso Nacional e os debates acalorados sobre o combate à corrupção no governo. O presente trabalho analisa os editoriais dos jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo no período entre 2003 a 2010 que corresponde à gestão petista no Governo Federal; nossa intenção foi compreender como se deu a abordagem, o enquadramento (framing) e a construção do discurso sobre a reforma política em debate no Congresso Nacional, na ocasião das atividades da Comissão Especial da Reforma Política e da Comissão de Constituição Justiça e Cidadania (CCJ)

While activists and others have argued that the legitimization of biased attitudes and stereotypes by political leaders foments violence against minority groups, criminological research in the U.S. has focused more on "threat" hypotheses that view hate crime as a retaliatory response to perceived gains or encroachment of targeted groups. Another view suggests that heightened public visibility of hate crimes or other bias issues, usually in the form of media coverage, increases hate crimes. This study compares the effect on anti-LGB crimes of events representing political threat (a court decision legalizing marriage equality) and political legitimization of bias (passage of a ban on marriage equality), both of which occurred in California in 2008. The study also tests effects of media coverage prior to the ban on marriage equality. Results showed a statistically significant increase in anti-LGB hate crimes after the ban on same-sex marriage. There was no effect on anti-LGB crime counts after the court decision to legalize marriage equality, or during the media campaign leading up to the vote to ban marriage equality.