Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1970. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin, 1971. / Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliographical essay: leaves 607-631.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1953. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 323-342).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Claremont Graduate School and University Center, 1965. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [274]-289).

No description available.

This project examines two organizations--the Better Babies Bureau and the Children's Bureau--created by Progessive women in the early twentieth century to combat high infant mortality rates, improve prenatal and postnatal care, and better child welfare. The Better Babies Bureau, founded in 1913 by journalists from the Woman's Home Companion magazine, and the Children's Bureau, founded as a federal agency in 1912, used similar campaigns to raise awareness of these child welfare problems in the early 1900s; where they differed, however, is in their ultimate goals. The Children's Bureau sought to improve long-term medical care and infant mortality rates for women regardless of race or socioeconomic status; I analyze how they worked directly with midwives and health officials to provide better care for mothers and children. The Better Babies Bureau, in comparison, catered specifically to white women through prize-based contests and eugenics rhetoric. Through their better baby contests, they promoted the idea that disabilities and defects should be eliminated in children in order to create a better future. By the late 1910s, these two organizations were utilizing nationwide campaigns to appeal to mothers through either consumerism or health conferences. I argue that although the Better Babies Bureau made a greater cultural impact, the Children's Bureau made a longer lasting—and farther reaching—impact on infant mortality rates by making healthcare more accessible for both rural and urban women. / Master of Arts / In the early twentieth century, many Americans became concerned with the number of children dying before age one. This thesis examines two different organizations that were created in an attempt to reduce these infant mortality rates, improve prenatal and postnatal care, and better child welfare. These two organizations, the Children's Bureau and the Better Babies Bureau, were created and run by Progressive women who took vastly different approaches to raising awareness of these problems. The Children's Bureau worked directly with health and government officials to improve child welfare and healthcare. Meanwhile, the Better Babies Bureau utilized contests to convince mothers that defects and disabilities needed to be eliminated in their children. In this thesis, I argue that the Children's Bureau was ultimately far more effective by appealing to a wider audience, creating a plan for long-term medical care, and improving access to prenatal and postnatal care for women.

Geografiämnets komplexa sammansättning gör att det vidrör många aspekter av våra liv och för att detta ska avspeglas i geografiundervisningen måste särskild uppmärksamhet riktas mot livet utanför klassrummet och hur det kan plockas in i undervisningen. Denna studie syftar därför till att undersöka hur och varför geografilärare använder sig av medier i undervisningen. Genom en kvantitativ anonymiserad enkätundersökning för yrkesaktiva geografilärare, har författaren ämnat utforska de didaktiska och pedagogiska val geografilärare gör när de implementerar olika medier i undervisningen. Studien finner att geografilärare främst använder medier i samband med lärarledda moment och då för att förklara och synliggöra svårgripbara fenomen samt att motivera sina elever. Studien visar att elevdelaktighet och elevinflytande tas i beaktande i mycket liten utsträckning då medieanvändandet i undervisningen inte utgår ifrån elevernas egna medieanvändande. För att göra en reell koppling mellan klassrum och verklighet i geografiundervisningen rekommenderas därför att elevernas medieanvändning ska ligga till grund för kopplingen mellan klassrum och verklighet. / The complex composition of the geography subject makes it reach many aspects of our lives, for this to be reflected in geography teaching, special attention must be put on life outside of the classroom and how this can be incorporated in the teaching. The aim of this study is therefore to explore how and why geography teachers use media in their teaching. Through an anonymized quantitative survey with geography teachers, the author’s intentions were to explore the didactic and pedagogical choices made by teachers when using media in their teaching. The study found that geogra-phy teachers mainly use media as a tool in teacher-led activities to explain and make visible abstract phenomena and to motivate their students. The study also shows that student participation and student influence is rarely taken into consideration due to the media-related geography teaching not being based on the students’ own media usage. The author thus recommends student media usage be the foundation in media-usage geography teaching in order to make a palpable connection between classroom and reality.

Socialite Laura Penrose and a group of wealthy businessmen founded the New Orleans Chapter of the American Red Cross in 1916. The Chapter expanded in 1917 with the addition of two black Auxiliary Branches chartered by nurses Louise Ross and Sarah Brown. Although Jim Crow dictated the division between the Chapter and its Branches within the mostly female organization, racial barriers did not prohibit them from uniting for the cause of national relief. The American Red Cross differed from other forms of biracial Progressivism by the very nature of public relief work for a national charity. American Red Cross relief work brought women into public spaces for the war effort and pushed biracial cooperation between women in the Jim Crow South in a more public and patriotic direction than earlier efforts at social reform. Black women, in particular, used the benefit of relief work to promote racial uplift and stake a claim on American citizenship despite the disenfranchisement of their men.

With very few exceptions, the conventional narrative of American history dates the end of the Progressive Era to the postwar turmoil of 1919 and 1920, culminating with the election of Warren G. Harding and a mandate for Normalcy. And yet, as this dissertation explores, progressives, while knocked back on their heels by these experiences, nonetheless continued to fight for change even during the unfavorable political climate of the Twenties. The Era of Normalcy itself was a much more chaotic and contested political period - marked by strikes, race riots, agrarian unrest, cultural conflict, government scandals, and economic depression - than the popular imagination often recalls. While examining the trajectory of progressives during the Harding and Coolidge years, this study also inquires into how civic progressivism - a philosophy rooted in preserving the public interest and producing change through elevated citizenship and educated public opinion - was tempered and transformed by the events of the post-war period and the New Era. With an eye to the many fruitful and flourishing fields that have come to enhance the study of political ideology in recent decades, this dissertation revisits the question of progressive persistence, and examines the rhetorical and ideological transformations it was forced to make to remain relevant in an age of consumerism, technological change, and cultural conflict. In so doing, this study aims to reevaluate progressivism's contributions to the New Era and help to define the ideological transformations that occurred between early twentieth century reform and the liberalism of the New Deal.