This thesis focuses upon the impact of war upon the progressive movement in Texas during 1914-1918. Chapter I defines progressivism in Texas and presents an overview of the political situation in the state as relating to the period. Chapter II discusses the negative impact that the first two years of World War I had upon the reform movement. Chapter III examines the revival of the Anti-Saloon League and the 1916 Democratic state convention. Chapter IV covers the war between James E. Ferguson and the University of Texas. Chapter V tells how the European war became a catalyst for the reform movement in Texas following America's entry, and its subsequent influence upon the election of 1918. Chapter VI concludes that James E. Ferguson's war with the University of Texas as well as World War I were responsible for the prohibitionist victory in the election of 1918.

Although the words reasoning or being able to reason appear 480 times in today's curriculum Lgr 11, there are no explanations and justifications why students should learn and be assessed based on the knowledge requirements in their ability to reason. This paper examines how this can be found, mainly in the syllabus in civics education for grades 4-6, and whether the relevance of reasoning has been similar in previous curricula from 1962 to the present day. With quantitative content analysis and qualitative text analysis, curricula in social studies and commentary material have been analysed.    The analyses have been made based on the curriculum philosophies progressivism, essentialism and reconstructivism, as a theoretical framework and a possible way to explain the quantitative and qualitative results, and answer the purpose of the essay how the relevance has changed. Another purpose of the essay is to investigate how the change has been justified and whether a change in perception of knowledge can explain the varied occurrence of the ability to reason, or how important one have considered the ability to be. The results of the essay shows that the quantitative results are not entirely related to the qualitative ones. Although the words occur most times in Lgr 11, I find that the greatest relevance to reasoning is given in Lgr 80. One possible reason for this may be that Lgr 80 expresses a reconstructive view of knowledge where the learning process is in focus, rather than an essentialist view of knowledge as in Lgr 11, where the subject content is the most central.

This dissertation examines how progressive era social scientists thought about African American workers and their place in the nation’s industrial past, present, and future.Progressives across the color line drew on a common discourse of industrial evolution that linked racial development with labor fitness. Evolutionary science merged with scientific management to create new taxonomies of racial labor fitness. I chart this process from turn of the century actuarial science which defined African Americans as a dying race, to wartime mental and physical testing that acknowledged the Negro as a vital -albeit inferior- part of the nation’s industrial workforce. During this period, African Americans struggled to prove their worth on the shop-floor, the battlefield, and the academy. This thesis contends that the modern Negro type- African Americans as objects of social scientific inquiry- which came of age in the post-World War Two era, was born in the draft boards, factories, trenches, hospitals, and university classrooms of the Progressive Era.

Albert Baldwin Wood and his screw pumps modernized New Orleans by bringing flood-free streets and cleaner water to the city while providing the potential for growth by pumping swamp lands dry. While Wood was never part of the local Progressive movement, his work with the pumps fit with Progressive initiatives for modernization. At first, the screw pumps removed rain water from the streets. Then New Orleans expanded the drainage to include sewerage removal and water purification. The pumps successfully drained thousands of acres of land once considered uninhabitable swamp land. This additional land extended New Orleans city limits but also aided in the acceleration of residential segregation. Cities from around the world used the designs for the screw pump and consulted Wood for advice on drainage systems.

For various reasons, the city of New Orleans has often been ignored in discussions of the New South movement. New Orleans politicians joined the movement during the Progressive Era, much later than other Southern municipal leaders. In becoming a New South city, the Crescent City was launched onto the international trade scene. By an examination of city leaders' efforts to gain federal rights to host an exposition in celebration of the Panama Canal, this study argues New Orleans not only became a New South city, but an international trade entrepôt. Though the exposition efforts failed, the efforts of the city to cultivate its business and hospitality potential served the city well.

The emergence of Progressivism at the beginning of the twentieth century influenced many aspects of American society. One of those aspects was urban parks. In the latter half of the nineteenth century Frederick Law Olmsted led a nationwide implementation of "Victorian" parks. These parks featured broad expanses of turf, waterways, and trees. Olmsted and the other Victorian park leaders designed the parks to cultivate Victorian values of self-restraint and independence among the citizenry. With the rise of Progressivism the ideals of the middle class changed. Led by Theodore Roosevelt, millions of Americans embraced the "strenuous life" and its emphasis on strength and leadership. Consequently, parks changed. The new Progressive park design favored athletic facilities over places for repose. Audubon Park in New Orleans was built just as this change was occurring, and therefore provides us an opportunity to study this moment in American history in detail.

Le progressisme est un courant politique né en Équateur dans les années 1860 cherchant à incarner une voie médiane entre le conservatisme et le libéralisme. Une fois au pouvoir, de 1883 à 1895, les progressistes entendent moderniser l’Équateur sur le plan politique et économique. Sur le plan économique, ils cherchent à consolider le modèle agro-exportateur fondé sur le cacao, développer l’enseignement technique et scientifique, construire des voies ferrées et redéfinir les relations entre l’Église et l’État. Ils souhaitent également stabiliser les institutions républicaines, fondées sur le respect des libertés publiques, la séparation des pouvoirs et le suffrage comme source de la légitimité politique. Cependant, les progressistes doivent affronter l’opposition des conservateurs et des libéraux. Isolé et affaibli, le progressisme est renversé en 1895 par les libéraux. Malgré ses échecs, le progressisme représente une étape déterminante dans la construction de l’État-nation en Équateur. / Progressivism was a political movement born in Ecuador in 1860s that aimed at embodying a third way between conservatism and liberalism. While they were in power, from 1883 to 1895, the progressives tried to modernize Ecuador both politically and economically. On the economic level, they sought to consolidate the agroexport model, develop technical and scientific education, build railroads and redefine the relationship between Church and State. They also wanted to stabilize the republican institutions, based on the respect for civil liberties, separation of powers and suffrage as the source of political legitimacy. In spite of its failures, progressivism represents a fundamental step in the formation of the Nation state in Ecuador.

Denna uppsats undersöker i vilken utsträckning tidigare gymnasieelever upplever att religionsundervisningen i den svenska gymnasieskolan har varit förberedande för ett liv i samhället efter avslutade studier. Vidare undersöker uppsatsen även tidigare gymnasieelevers upplevelser av religionsundervisningen som betydelsefull och bristfällig. För att erhålla ett resultat har fyra semistrukturerade intervjuer med tidigare gymnasieelever som läst religionskunskap 1 & 2 utefter Gy 11 gjorts. För att visa på i vilken utsträckning religionsundervisningen har varit förberedande för informanterna har insamlat material analyserats utifrån en flerdimensionell utbildningsfilosofisk karta vilken anger hur lärarens spektrum av urval och innehåll är inordnat i flera spänningsfält av huruvida undervisningen ska syfta till att förvalta en tradition, ett kulturarv, eller om den istället ska syfta framåt och förbereda för framtiden. Undersökningen visar att religionsundervisningen i stor utsträckning har varit förberedande för ett liv i samhället efter avslutade studier för informanterna och att det innehåll och de undervisningsmetoder som informanterna upplevde vara bristfälliga i hög grad går att koppla till en åstundan efter en undervisning där diskussion, samtal, projekt- och temaarbeten, konfliktfyllda frågor, grupparbeten och problemlösning är centrala aktiviteter. Vidare visade undersökningen på en åstundan efter problembaserad, reflekterande, samtidsrelevant och problemlösande undervisning där elevernas erfarenheter och intressen är i fokus.

On October 19, 1908, night riders at Reelfoot Lake, Tennessee kidnapped and murdered Captain Quentin Rankin, an attorney and shareholder in the West Tennessee Land Company. The murder made national news, with coverage emphasizing the night riders' demand for fishing rights. In response, Governor Malcolm Patterson called out the militia to suppress the uprising and advocated for state acquisition of the lake as a means to prevent further violence. In the accepted historical narrative, the uprising at Reelfoot Lake represents an example of rural resistance to the threat that modernization posed to traditional access rights but ignores much of the violence that proceeded Rankin's murder. When contextualized within local conditions and Tennessee's political climate, the night riders' crimes reveal a targeted attack on the exploding cotton economy in which the lake became the arena where farmers contested the agricultural, social, and political changes that accompanied this new economic system.

Willis Duke Weatherford, a liberal pioneer in Southern race reform, argued that the ethics of Christianity obligated Southerners to address the social and economic problems faced by blacks in the early twentieth century. His strategy for improving race relations centred on educating Southerners and promoting economic uplift for blacks. Weatherford advocated race reform through the Young Men's Christian Association, the Southern Sociological Congress, and other voluntary organizations. He published books, taught courses, preached sermons, organized conferences, and raised funds from Northern philanthropists. Through an analysis of Weatherford's published writings and of his papers archived at the Southern Historical Collection, the present study provides a biographical profile of Weatherford's life and career, examines the development of Weatherford's racial views in the social and political context of his time, describes Weatherford's program of race education developed for college students, and discusses an interracial conference held at the Blue Ridge Assembly in 1917.