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This project explores how and why an Americanized form of Zionism became an effective movement in American Jewish life. In the quest for a just and lasting resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, most scholarly attention has been focused on the state (and people) of Israel and the people of Palestine, and their efforts to resolve the conflict that has held them in its grip over the past century. As a result, we have focused too little attention on the role of support for U.S. nationalism in the American Jewish community in sustaining the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I argue likewise that a critical juncture in this process occurred in the early twentieth century, as the United States emerged as an international power. American Jewish support for Zionism overlaps in many ways with Progressivism. Many of the early leaders of Americanized Zionism, such as Horace M. Kallen and Justice Louis Brandeis, began their careers as Progressive reformers and brought their ideas about social and political action with them into the Zionist movement. Brandeis in particular played a critical role in making Zionism acceptable to American Jews, in no small part by asserting that the Zionism he advocated was required no commitment to emigration. As this Americanized version of Zionism has become normalized in American Jewish life, the principle of Jewish sovereignty has become widely understood among American Jews to be an essential guarantor of Jewish safety. To understand the roots and implications of this stance, I explore the genealogy of the idea of sovereignty, as well as the binary opposition of “Arabs” and “Jews” in Euro-American thought. Americanized Zionism, I conclude, is less a product of Jewish ethnicity or religion than enactment of a commitment to U.S. nationalism as a fundamental aspect of American Jewish identity. / Religion

La période allant de 1876 à 1919 constitue un tournant dans l'évolution de l'enseignement aux États-Unis : c'est le moment de l'incorporation des principes de la pensée progressiste en éducation au cœur du système éducatif américain. En l'espace de quelques décennies, les objectifs de ce système sont radicalement modifiés : aux idéaux d'une culture scolaire mettant l'accent sur l'exigence académique, l'enseignement des disciplines et la magistralité sont substitués ceux d'une éducation socialement efficace, centrée sur l'enfant, sur la nécessité de respecter son régime propre et de former les futurs citoyens pour la démocratie. Cette révolution pédagogique, que le philosophe John Dewey a pu qualifier de « copernicienne », inverse complètement les principes au fondement du projet éducatif américain. Le présent travail de thèse a pour objet, d'une part, de comprendre et d'expliquer les origines et les fondements théoriques et épistémologiques de la pensée progressiste qui a présidé aux transformations de l'enseignement américain entre 1876 et 1919 et, d'autre part, de montrer comment ces présupposés épistémologiques ont pu s'instaurer et s'inscrire dans les pratiques. / The period 1876-1919 constitutes a turning point in the history of American education: rapid social changes in American society carried with them implications for a new conception of education; a radically new vision of the role of schooling emerged. In a few decades, the educational system of the United States adopted new methods and ideas: the ideals of a teacher-centered education, of an academic curriculum and of a liberal education given to all students that had been the staples of education for many generations shifted to those of meeting children's needs, of a child-centered education tied to democracy. This shifting of the center of gravity in American education represented a revolution that the philosopher John Dewey considered to be copernican. This doctoral thesis traces the evolution of this major shift in American education. It aims at understanding and explaining the origins and founding principles of progressive education that wrought these massive changes in American education between 1876 and 1919. Furthermore, it aims at showing how these principles may have exerted an impact in America's schoolrooms.

In this dissertation, a theoretical framework is developed from Camilla Stivers' (2002) argument that images of expertise, leadership and virtue are used to defend public administration's legitimacy in the face of criticisms about the inefficiencies of government and the power wielded by bureaucrats. Stivers argues that these legitimizing and traditional images have historical and cultural roots in ideas associated with masculinity, and that this harms women in the public sector. The realm of policing faced similar criticisms and defended its legitimacy by altering practices, the day-to-day actions of police practitioners. The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the possibility that police practitioners have defended their legitimacy on the same basis as public administrators have done by offering images of expertise, leadership and virtue, which Stivers (2002) claims are deeply gendered. Using Ethnographic Content Analysis (ECA), imagery is qualitatively examined using using Stivers' (2002) descriptions of characteristics, qualitiers, values and actions that she associates with images of expertise, leadership and virtue... Masculine images of virtue portray the police as dedicated and committed professionals who protect the citizenry through laudable programs and initiatives. Masculine images of leadership are less prevalent, but consistently portray the police as controlling and direction-setting visionaries. Alternative imagery patterns include leadership images more aligned with femininity, such as collaboration and cooperation. Throughout the thirty-one years, these patterns of images are observed, despite differences in practices associated with the three paradigms of policing. / by Robin Lynn Larson. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.

Jessie Ackermann traveled throughout the world representing numerous American reformist organizations during the Progressive Era. Over the course of her lifetime, she promoted progressive reforms in foreign lands. This study examines Ackermann's career a progressive in an international context. The Jessie Ackermann Collection in the Archives of Appalachia holds various records that document Ackermann's career. Ackermann also authored three books during her lifetime. This thesis employs these primary materials along with other appropriate primary and secondary sources dealing with Ackermann and the Progressive Era. Several historical studies have surveyed Ackermann's work as a reformer; however, none have sought exclusively to place her within the context of the Progressive Movement. Ackermann's experiences reveal that progressives not only sought to change society in America, but that some carried progressivism abroad to transform foreign societies. This study contributes to the understanding of Ackermann's work as a reformer and the international nature of progressivism.

Tema: Ugdymo filosofija ikimokyklinių įstaigų ugdymo programose Magistriniame darbe nagrinėjamos ugdymo filosofijos ir ugdymo proceso atitikmuo, pateikiama šiuolaikinės ir klasikinės ugdymo paradigmų įtaka ugdymo procesui. Analizuojamas ugdymo filosofijos programose ir ugdymo procese vaidmuo, bei pedagogų ugdymo institucijose galimybės. Vykstant spartiems pokyčiams visuomenės gyvenime, pakitus visos visuomenės socialiniam statusui, ypač svarbus tampa ugdymo filosofijos vaidmuo ugdymo procesui. Pasirinktos ugdymo filosofijos kryptys programose, paskatino išsiaiškinti jų realizavimo galimybes ugdymo procese. Tyrimo objektas – ugdymo filosofijos ir ugdymo proceso dermė. Tyrimo tikslas - išsiaiškinti ar ugdymo procesas grindžiamas ikimokyklinėse ugdymo programose deklaruotomis ugdymo filosofijos kryptimis. Hipotezė - pedagogai vadovaujasi įstaigos programoje pateiktos ugdymo filosofijos(ų) nuostatomis. Tyrimo metodika: tyrime dalyvavo 379 vaikai, 157 pedagogai ; taikyti pedagogų anketinės apklausos ir kriterinio stebėjimo metodai. Išvados: atlikus tyrimą nustatyta, kad pedagogai iš dalies vadovaujasi pasirinktomis ugdymo filosofijos kryptimis programose ir ugdymo procese bei jos iš dalies dera ugdymo procese. . / Education philosophies and equivalent of education process are examined in this work, as well as influence of modern and classical education paradigm towards education process is presented. Education philosophies in programmes and role of education in process, as well as potentials of pedagogues in teaching institutions, are analyzed. Due to rapid changes in society’s life and because of change of social status of the whole society, role of education philosophy in the education process becomes especially important. The chosen trends of education philosophies in programmes encouraged me to ascertain their implementation possibilities in the process of education. The object of the research is – consistency of education philosophy and process of education. The aim of the research is – to ascertain if education process in preschool education programmes is motivated by declared trends of education philosophy. Hypothesis- pedagogues follow the guidelines of an education philosophy (philosophies) which are introduced in the programme of their institution. Methodology of the research- 379 children and 157 pedagogues participated in the research. A survey by questionnaires for pedagogues and a method of criterion observation were applied. Findings- having done the research it was ascertained that pedagogues follow the chosen trends of education philosophies in programmes and in the process of education partially. Moreover, they partially fit in the process of... [to full text]

This thesis looks at concepts of progress and agricultural deveIopment in the Cape Colony in the aftermath of the South African War (1899-1902). The first decade of the twentieth century was one of economic crisis. War was followed by a severe depression exacerbated by a slump in the diamond industry, which prompted doubts about the longevity of the country’s mineral resources. It was also a period of recurrent drought which aroused concerns about food security and criticisms about the Colony’s reliance on imported victuals and primary products such as timber. In this context, self-professed ‘progressive’ politicians and commercial farmers looked to the land as the most viable source of national wealth. Politically this period was dominated by Leander Starr Jameson’s Progressive Party, which held office from February 1904 until February 1908. The thesis analyses how this Party, usually associated with mining capital and Rhodes’s legacy, deliberately promoted itself as the progenitor of agricultural progressivism in terms of its rhetoric and the policies it pursued. Agricultural amelioration was linked to conservation. Scientific methods and systematic land management strategies were advocated to protect and enhance scarce water resources, soil fertility and pastures on which the rural economy depended. The state positioned itself as the provider of scientific expertise and introduced legislation to promote and regulate the agricultural economy and environment. The Cape was influenced in part by conservationist developments, which occurred contemporaneously in Australia and, in particular, in the United States. Historians of American history have identified the early twentieth century there as the ‘Progressive Era’. This thesis explores the scientific links that emerged between the governments of these two countries and argues that the Cape too self-consciously promoted itself as a progressive state with agricultural development and conservation constructed as two of the principal pillars of progress.

Conservative males traditionally dominated Texas politics. In 1930, however, Sarah T. Hughes, a liberal woman from Maryland, began a spectacular career in state politics despite obstacles because of her gender and progressive ideas. First elected to the Texas Legislature in 1930, she remained active in politics for the next fifty years. Hard work, intelligence, and ability allowed her to form solid friendships with Texas's most powerful politicians. She became the first woman in Texas to hold a district judgeship, the first woman from Texas appointed to the federal bench, and the only woman to swear in a U.S. president. Hughes profoundly influenced state politics, challenging the long-standing conservative male domination. She helped to create a more diverse political field that today encompasses different ideologies and both genders.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alfredo Moreira da Silva Junior.pdf: 8296243 bytes, checksum: c09d5d8386ad365339124d76c6f7401b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Second Vatican Council represented the greatest event of the Church in the twentieth century and caused changes and effects that extend to the present. The documents produced by this event has been over time, the object of discussion between conservatives and progressives, whether of the clergy or the laity. The historical context which the announcement occurred, preparation, realization and reception of the Council, may somehow contribute to a better understanding of the course of events, the scope and purpose of this event either at European level, either in Latin American or Brazilian. In the latter case, the need for changes and adaptation of the Church to the "new times", was accompanied by a growing tension between the Church and the military regime, which, somehow, became the preferential option for the poor on a flag not only pastoral but also politics. However, the council was not perceived the same way by different interest groups inside the church, and this thesis seeks to demonstrate exactly how such antagonistic interpretations of the same event occurred. To make possible such intent, we used the concepts of representations proposed by Chartier and "the world of the text and the reader's world" _ present in the hermeneutics proposal of Ricoeur / O Concílio Vaticano II representou o maior acontecimento da Igreja no Século XX e provocou mudanças e efeitos que se estendem até a atualidade. Os documentos produzidos por esse evento tem sido ao longo do tempo, objeto de discussão entre conservadores e progressistas, sejam eles do clero ou do laicato. O contexto histórico onde ocorreu o anúncio, a preparação, a realização e a recepção do Concílio, pode de certa forma, contribuir para uma melhor compreensão do desenrolar dos acontecimentos, do alcance e dos efeitos desse evento, seja em nível europeu, seja no âmbito latino-americano ou brasileiro. Neste último caso, a necessidade de mudanças e de adaptação da Igreja aos novos tempos , foi acompanhada por uma tensão cada vez maior entre a Igreja e o Regime Militar, o que, de certa forma, tornou a opção preferencial pelos pobres numa bandeira não só pastoral mas, também, política. No entanto, o Concílio não foi percebido da mesma maneira pelos diferentes grupos de interesse dentro da Igreja e, esta tese procura demonstrar exatamente como ocorreram interpretações tão antagônicas sobre o mesmo evento. Para viabilizar tal intento, foram utilizados os conceitos de representações propostos por Chartier e do mundo do texto e mundo do leitor presente na proposta hermenêutica de Ricoeur

La présente thèse porte sur les motivations qui ont poussé Woodrow Wilson à s’exprimer en faveur du passage du Dix-neuvième amendement, qui a accordé le droit de vote aux femmes, alors qu’il avait refusé jusqu’en janvier 1918 de soutenir un amendement à la Constitution, car il fallait selon lui laisser aux États la liberté dans ce domaine. Ce travail est né d’une double interrogation, historiographique et méthodologique, qui rend compte de la complexité d’une approche qui se veut profondément ancrée dans une mise en contexte politique, économique, culturelle et sociale du passage de cet amendement. Cette réflexion permet de confronter deux historiographies différentes : l’histoire des femmes d’une part, et l’histoire présidentielle d’autre part. L’hypothèse de ce travail est que loin de rendre compte uniquement d’une évolution culturelle ou personnelle, ce changement de position du président est lié à divers facteurs politiques nationaux et internationaux. Les concepts de pouvoir et de politique sont au coeur de la problématique. Ils mettent en lumière en fonction du sens qui leur est attribué, des représentations différentes. Ainsi, la notion de représentation est également centrale, car elle renvoie à une appréhension des faits et du monde selon une position particulière – celle de l’historien bien sûr, mais également celle des acteurs de l’histoire – ainsi qu’au fonctionnement institutionnel de la démocratie. / The present work deals with the reasons why Woodrow Wilson decided to come out for suffrage and to support the Nineteenth Amendment, whereas he had refused to do so before January, 1918. Up until then, he was a champion of States’ rights. Spanning Wilson’s two terms, this thesis is grounded on historiographical and methodological premises originating from a political, economic, cultural and social analysis of the specific context under scrutiny. This will lead to confront two different historiographies: women’s history on the one hand, and presidential history on the other hand. This dissertation will contend that far from stemming from a cultural or personal change in Wilson’s perspective, the president’s evolution hinges upon national and international political factors. Power and politics are used as key concepts throughout the demonstration, seeing as their meaning varies substantially according to the prism of representation. As a result, the notion of representation also proves central, as it encompasses the specific viewpoints of both historians and historical protagonists on the events discussed as well as on the institutional framework of democracy.