Tiggare/tiggeri är fenomen som blivit allt vanligare i vårt svenska samhälle. Samtidigt som företeelsen av tiggare/tiggeri blivit mer synlig har även röster som kräver ett förbud av tiggeri höjts. Märkbart är hur det via social media sprids budskap med starka argument som belyserden problematik många människor upplever med tiggeriet. Via social media skapas uppslutningar med olika mål, som växer och frodas i nätets öppna rum. Syftet med vår studie är att få en förståelse för vad en sammanslutning av människor, i detta fall ett Facebook evenemang, kan generera i form av kommunikativ praktik samt vilken inverkan social media kan ha i frågan om dess förmåga att sprida ett budskap. Vi vill sedermera förstå uppropet och det budskap som förmedlas samt se till hur social media spelat roll fördess utveckling. Med en netnografiskt inspirerad forskningsmetod undersöker vi det socialaliv och samspel som sker online, men inom ett begränsat rum, det vill säga det evenemang vivalt att studera. Vår teoretiska referensram utgår från Canettis teori om massan makt vilken viknyter an till vårt nätverksamhälle och till sociala medier. Vidare utgår vi från begreppetFraming vilket är en kulturell inramning vilken beskriver hur sociala rörelser konstrueras, tolkas och beskriver verkligheten, samt rörelsens egen roll. Ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv vill vi förstå uppropet "Förbjud tiggeriet nu", dess budskap samthur dess mobilisering skedde inom ett offentligt rum som Facebook. Resultatet visar på hur ett budskap växer fram, hur det förmedlas och hur det sprids samt vilken stark förmåga till mobilisering ett offentligt evenemang på social media har.

The Himalayan region of India has a surprisingly fragile ecosystem due in part to its geomorphic characteristics. In recent years the Himalayan ecosystem has been disturbed in various ways by both human and natural processes. Large developments threaten ecosystems in the area modifying local land use and subsistence patterns. This has important implications for the sustainable livelihoods of the local communities. People in these areas are very concerned about the lack of inclusion in development decision-making processes and the negative effects of development on their livelihood. Protest actions are spreading throughout Himachal Pradesh, not only to stop developments but also to re-shape how developments are taking place. The village of Jagatsukh was selected for in-depth study. That is where people started to organize around the Allain Duhangan Hydro Project and also where the protest actions in relation to the Hydro Project actually started. The overall purpose of this research was to understand the role of protests as a vehicle for public participation in relation to decisions about resources and the environment and to consider whether such movements are learning platforms for action on sustainability.

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In spite of the rhetoric of partnership and collaboration in the Australian community sectors, economic values of competition have superseded social and co-operative values of self-help, empowerment, mutual benefit and solidarity. Reconfiguration of how co-operative practices can be understood in terms of social capital theory and civil society has been of limited success in countering this slide to economic rationalism. Ironically, many community practices, including co-operatives, explicitly emerged from moral protest against prevailing oppressive policies; that is co-operative and community development practices exist to embody an alternative set of values to oppressive features of dominant political and social institutions of the day. This thesis identifies and analyses the features of co-operative practices which resist economic capture by the dominant ideology of neo-liberalism. It examines how co-operative practices can be analysed as forms of moral protest that offer and embody counterstories to master narratives that shape dominant institutions. Importantly, it is understood that not all forms of moral protest are socially transformative. While fostering social change, co-operatives must also resist ossification of their own principles and practices into homogenised traditions that exclude rather than include others. To conduct this analysis, interviews were conducted with subjects engaged in co-operative activities. H. L. Nelson's (2001) narrative approach to ethics was used to identify how co-operatives can be positioned as counterstories to dominant narratives. T. Cooper's (1997) distinction between moral and ethical communities was then deployed to account for the features of co-operative practice that might lead to exclusion and non-co-operative identities. Finally, A.W. Frank's (1995) body-self type continuum was applied to co-operative practices to further evaluate the degree to which those who participated in these saw themselves contributing to practices of social transformation or defensive strategies of personal survival.

This thesis investigates the social forces that shape and sustain community-based protest against proposed projects in the construction industry. It builds on current research which highlights the tendency for community concerns about proposed developments to escalate into long-term protests that have far-reaching implications for both the construction industry and the local community. A theoretical framework merges the facilitative role of movement networks, contagion theory and the cultural experience of activism to investigate their relationship with protest movement continuity. Three research propositions emerged from the model and are investigated within a grounded theory framework. The research method adopts a single case study of a mature protest movement and utilises a triangulation of methods that integrates qualitative and ethnographic approaches across two interrelated phases of data collection that continues to the point of theoretical saturation. The data is analysed in three ways: A thematic story telling approach is used to ground the data derived so as to identify patterns of influences on protest participation and their effect on movement continuity. Concept maps and network diagrams are also used to connect the themes and guide the use of stories to reveal influences on movement continuity. The research concludes by proposing a refined theoretical model of protest movement continuity against construction projects. The model also forms the basis for a grounded theory which consisted of three interrelated parts. The first part concludes that protest networks are deliberately complex and dynamic to cope with the transient nature of protest participation and promote movement continuity. The second part points to the contagious influence of network to generate two opposing network conditions that are both conducive and detrimental to movement continuity. The last part points to the importance of social relationships as shaping the context in which cultural meanings of activism are understood and have a direct effect on sustaining movement continuity.

The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people’s protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa’s enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three ‘waves’ of a post-war ‘Okinawan struggle’ against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa’s annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united ‘Okinawan struggle’, and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa’s distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers’ unions and political parties, is consistent with the ‘new social movement’ theory. This theory’s emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an ‘Okinawan struggle’ has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an ‘Okinawan struggle’, which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an ‘Okinawan struggle’ would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.

This thesis investigates the social forces that shape and sustain community-based protest against proposed projects in the construction industry. It builds on current research which highlights the tendency for community concerns about proposed developments to escalate into long-term protests that have far-reaching implications for both the construction industry and the local community. A theoretical framework merges the facilitative role of movement networks, contagion theory and the cultural experience of activism to investigate their relationship with protest movement continuity. Three research propositions emerged from the model and are investigated within a grounded theory framework. The research method adopts a single case study of a mature protest movement and utilises a triangulation of methods that integrates qualitative and ethnographic approaches across two interrelated phases of data collection that continues to the point of theoretical saturation. The data is analysed in three ways: A thematic story telling approach is used to ground the data derived so as to identify patterns of influences on protest participation and their effect on movement continuity. Concept maps and network diagrams are also used to connect the themes and guide the use of stories to reveal influences on movement continuity. The research concludes by proposing a refined theoretical model of protest movement continuity against construction projects. The model also forms the basis for a grounded theory which consisted of three interrelated parts. The first part concludes that protest networks are deliberately complex and dynamic to cope with the transient nature of protest participation and promote movement continuity. The second part points to the contagious influence of network to generate two opposing network conditions that are both conducive and detrimental to movement continuity. The last part points to the importance of social relationships as shaping the context in which cultural meanings of activism are understood and have a direct effect on sustaining movement continuity.

Freie Univ., Diss. u.d.T.: Ehls, Marie-Luise: Demonstrationen in Berlin zur Zeit der Weimarer Republik--Berlin, 1995.

Thesis (M.A.)--Bowling Green State University, 2008. / Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 124 p. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Supervisors: Robert C. Luskin and Clement M. Henry. Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Also available from UMI.