As livestreaming has become more ubiquitous in recent years with its expansion over social media platforms, and as mainstream media outlets begin to take advantage of the medium, it is important to recognize that the technology has important roots in the hands of marginalized communities. Specifically, livestreaming has historically been an outlet used by activists in protest settings in order to counter the narratives of mainstream media. This paper seeks to evaluate the counternarrative potential of livestreaming by looking into footage from both the 2012 student protests in Montreal and the 2014 protests in Ferguson in direct comparison to traditional broadcast coverage from these events. Ultimately, I argue that while there are dangers that inherently accompany the use of livestreaming, it nonetheless has the potential to be a powerful and practical tool in the hands of protesters.

Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2016-07-21T18:47:50Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação de Mestrado - Guilherme Amorim.pdf: 691520 bytes, checksum: faf9df2d03171350e2b7678a0b3638e3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-21T18:47:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação de Mestrado - Guilherme Amorim.pdf: 691520 bytes, checksum: faf9df2d03171350e2b7678a0b3638e3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-02 / CNPQ / This article investigates the influence of broadband Internet availability in the occurrence of events of civil unrest, both with theory and empirical evidence. We first expand a recent model of protests considering the hypothesis that the Internet sets an environment for communication and information exchange that boosts collective dissatisfaction towards unfair policies. We then use collected data on the locations of 2011’s Occupy Movement in the United States to estimate the impact of one extra Internet Service Provider on the probability of evidencing protests in a given location. To identify the effect of broadband provision, we use an instrumental variable approach based on topographic elevation as a source of exogenous variations in the cost of building and maintaining cable infrastructure. As an alternative approach, we also use identification through heteroskedasticity, which does not rely on exclusion restrictions. In accordance with our theoretical predictions, our results show that the availability of broadband services during the time of the Occupy protests was greatly associated with the occurrence of such events. / Este artigo investiga a influência que o acesso à rede de Internet banda larga pode exercer na ocorrência de eventos de inquietação civil, através de uma argumentação teórica e de evidências empíricas. Primeiro, expandimos um recente modelo de decisão sobre o ato de protestar, considerando a hipótese de que a Internet define um ambiente para comunicação e troca de informações que aumentaria a insatisfação coletiva contra políticas injustas. Em seguida, utilizamos dados recolhidos sobre os locais das manifestações relacionadas ao Movimento Occupy nos Estados Unidos em 2011 para estimar o impacto que um provedor de serviços de Internet a mais exerceria sobre a probabilidade de evidenciar protestos em um determinado local. Para identificar o efeito do fornecimento de banda larga, usamos uma abordagem de variável instrumental utilizando elevação topográfica como fonte de variações exógenas no custo de construção e manutenção de infraestrutura de Internet a cabo. Como abordagem alternativa, também realizamos identificação através de heterocedasticidade, que não depende de restrições de exclusão. Em concordância com nossas previsões teóricas, nossos resultados mostram que a disponibilidade de serviços de banda larga durante a época dos protestos do Movimento Occupy esteve fortemente associada com a ocorrência de tais eventos.

Cette thèse aborde la question de l’influence des ONG environnementales à l’aide de l’analyse économique. Elle étudie des situations dans lesquelles ces organisations interagissent avec d’autres acteurs dans le but d’influencer leurs décisions. Un premier chapitre s’intéresse à la concurrence entre différentes ONG pour obtenir le soutien de la population et l’attention du régulateur. Un deuxième chapitre étudie la relation entre activité des ONG et leurs couverture médiatique. Il met en avant les mécanismes de concurrence entre médias qui aboutissent sur différentes stratégies de couverture médiatique des activités des ONG suivant les médias. Le dernier chapitre porte sur la mobilisation d’activistes contre un projet public présentant des externalités environnementales. / This thesis focuses on the influence of green NGOs. It studies situations where theses organisations interact with other actors and try to change their behavior. The first chapter looks at the competition between several NGOs in order to get the attention both the population and the governement. The second chapter studies the relation between the NGO activities and their media coverage. It focuses on the media market forces which lead to differences in coverage of NGO activities. The third chapter focuses on activits mobilization against a public project with environmental externalities

Energy policies which maintain and extend nuclear energy are often opposed by anti-nuclear movements. Ambitious plans for developing nuclear energy in Russia, constructing a first nuclear plant in Poland, and lifting the ban on nuclear energy while allowing the replacement of old reactors in Sweden are examples of such energy policies. In contrast to the massive anti-nuclear movements of 1970-1990s, recent anti-nuclear movements are not organized as national protest campaigns. This thesis examines repertoires of anti-nuclear movements in the alleged “Nuclear Renaissance” period.   Repertoires of anti-nuclear actions are analyzed from the perspective of discursive and political opportunities of anti-nuclear movements. Discursive opportunities are enabled or hindered in the ordering of nuclear energy discourses, making messages and actions of social movements legitimate or illegitimate. While discourses of anti-nuclear movements are complex, official discourses of nuclear energy featuring arguments about profitability, energy security and environmental security in connection to nuclear energy development, resonate more with broader socio-political developments. Ordering of discourses is established in such a way that expert rhetoric becomes a standard approach for discussing nuclear energy, while references to emotions and subjective matters are unacceptable. Political contexts of anti-nuclear movements provide opportunities for environmental NGOs, one kind of actor in anti-nuclear movements, to pursue nonconfrontational strategies and engage in institutional channels, where they can contribute their expert knowledge. Concurrently, another actor in anti-nuclear movements, local anti-nuclear groups, on the one hand, share argumentative structures with environmental NGOs, and, on the other hand, attempt to mobilize local population and organize local protests. Due to limited opportunities for attention from the national media and focus on local issues, local protests are not featured in the national media, which is crucial for national protest actions. The differences in repertoires between these two kinds of actors and absence of actors opting for mass engagement provide insight into repertoires of anti-nuclear movements as a whole. This thesis demonstrates how discursive opportunities of social movements, which result from competing discourses of movements and their counter-agents, and political opportunities structure repertoires of actions of these movements. / Energipolitik som upprätthåller och utökar användandet av kärnkraft motarbetas ofta av antikärnkrafts­rörelser. Exempel på sådan energipolitik är de ambitiösa planerna på att utveckla kärnkraft i Ryssland, att bygga ett första kärnkraftverk i Polen, och att häva förbudet mot kärnkraft samt möjliggöra utbyte av gamla reaktorer i Sverige. I motsats till de massiva antikärnkraftsrörelserna under 1970-1990, är de nya rörelserna inte organiserade som nationella protestkampanjer. Denna avhandling undersöker vilka olika handlingssätt antikärnkrafts­rörelserna i den påstådda "Nuclear Renaissance"-perioden använder. Antikärnkraftsrörelsernas olika sätt att agera analyseras ur diskursiva och politiska möjligheter. Diskurser av antikärnkraftsrörelser är komplexa, när officiella diskurser om kärnkraft möter argument om lönsamhet, energisäkerhet och miljösäkerhet i samband med kärnkraft utveckling, anknyter den mer till en bredare socio-politiska utveckling. Diskurser etableras på ett sådant sätt att expertretorik blir en standardiserad metod för att diskutera kärnkraft, medan hänvisningar till känslor och subjektiva frågor är oacceptabla. Det politiska sammanhanget ger möjligheter till miljöorganisationer, en typ av aktör inom anti­kärnkrafts­rörelsen, att bedriva nonconfrontational strategier och engagera sig via institutionella kanaler, där de kan bidra med sin sakkunskap. Samtidigt som en annan aktör, lokal antikärnkrafts­grupper, å ena sidan dela argument med miljöorganisationer, men å andra sidan försök att mobilisera lokalbefolkningen och anordna lokala protester. Eftersom lokala protester inte visas i nationella medier får de begränsade möjligheter till medial uppmärksamhet, något som är avgörande för nationella protestaktioner. Skillnaderna i sätt att agera mellan dessa två typer av aktörer och frånvaro av aktörer som väljer massengagemang ger insikt i de olika handlingssätt som används av antikärnkraftsrörelser som helhet.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This study analyses the relationship between the manner of citizens’ engagement with the state and the level of service delivery they experience in their everyday lives, as residents of Khayelitsha. The phenomena of so-called ‘service delivery’ protests across South Africa have now become a fixture of South African politics. Khayelitsha is one of the sites with frequent protests in Cape Town and is inhabited by poor people, 70 percent of whom live in informal settlements. While the lack of municipal services is undoubtedly a major problem for many poor people in South Africa, thus far, few studies have been dedicated to investigate empirically this alleged link between service delivery and protest activity. The study utilizes mostly quantitative analysis techniques such as regression analysis and path analysis to discover the form and strength of linkages between the service delivery and participation forms. While residents of informal settlements and therefore poorer services were more prone to engage in protests and thus reinforcing the service delivery hypothesis, this relationship was relatively weak in regression analysis. What is more important than the service delivery variables such as water services was the level of cognitive awareness exemplified by the level of political engagement and awareness on the one hand and level of community engagement in terms of attendance of community meetings and membership of different organizations. In summary the study found relatively weak evidence to support the service delivery hypothesis and stronger evidence for the importance of cognitive awareness and resource mobilization theories in Khayelitsha as the key determinant of protest activity. / South Africa

The purpose of this thesis is to study the relationship between prevalence of swing voters and the occurrence of political protest. Taking a Rational Choice approach, I hypothesize that fewer swing voters will lead to more protests, because it would incentivize polarizing behavior by political candidates. The hypothesis is tested using protest data from US congressional districts during six months of 2020 as the dependent variable, and the concept of voter elasticity as the main independent variable in a multiple regression analysis, along with various control variables. The results tentatively indicate that the hypothesis is correct, but exhibit high levels of uncertainty, highlighting potential for future research.

The importance of protecting democracy and free speech in the world has never been moreparamount than in a time like now, when pro-democracy and independence movements areon the rise and democracy is declining. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the potentialstrengthening of the local identity in Hong Kong in relation to the 21st centurypro-democratic protests and the postmaterialist generation. This will be put in contrast toChina’s more totalitarian way of governing and resistance to democracy. Of which the globalcity of Hong Kong has been a special administrative region (SAR) within the one countrytwo systems design since the 1997. The investigation of the local identity is based on theWorld Value Survey's data set from 2005, 2014 and 2018. The survey data is analysed withstatistical tools of regression analysis, correlation and comparison over time. This study findssome correlation between the postmaterialist values and identity but no correlation betweenthe Hong Kong local identity and the pro-democracy movement. The results further suggest amoderate strengthening of the Hong Kong identity in the form of an increase in inherentpride, which this thesis contends may be induced by the clash of the values imposed bymainland China. This possibility requires further research as the identity of an autonomouspart of a nation, for example Hong Kong, is of importance for civic participation anddemocracy as a whole.

The purpose of this study is to qualitatively determine whether gender constructions influence gender relations in residences and the role these views have in the perpetuation of rape culture on campus, with a particular interest in how residence traditions contribute to these views. The social constructionist paradigm was used to co-construct the gender perceptions of residence students through a qualitative research approach. The study was aimed at participants who were familiar with the university’s residences and their traditions (residence students and leaders). This study was conducted among students at the University of Pretoria, who were familiar with the University’s residences, their traditions and the student protests which have taken place in the University in response to practices that fostered rape culture in the university and its residences, primarily focusing on students staying in campus residences. The study targeted two sets of groups: residence students and key informants. Current undergraduate resident students were the primary target population, regardless of the residence they reside in, their course or year of study. A focus group discussion was held with a group of male and a group of female students. Key informants for this study included residence house committee members, student activist group members and student representative council members. The researcher was aware of potential conflicts and made efforts to show good judgment and sensitivity to allow students to express their opinions and respect each other’s opinions. The study adhered to the University of Pretoria’s Code of Ethics for Research. The researcher applied the principles of respect for personal autonomy, benevolence, and justice, which do not work in isolation from one another. The quality, trustworthiness and rigor of the findings were ensured by triangulation of data sources (key informants and students) and data collection methods (focus groups and semi-structured interviews). By using a co-researcher to interpret the data independently, the credibility of the interpretation was enhanced. These findings show that there is evidence that some residences hold attitudes or beliefs which may perpetuate traditional views of gender, which are made apparent through their traditions and activities. As a result of this, residences can become a breeding ground for the perpetuation of rape culture and the enforcement of harmful gender stereotypes. It is also worth noting that it is not solely the formal traditions which play a role in the perpetuation of rape culture, but informal ones as well. Another key concern is how management of residences manages reported incidences of sexual assault or harassment. It is worth noting however, that residence students feel that there have been changes which resulted in a noticeable difference, particularly in incidences of rape culture. In spite of the highlighted challenges, students feel that there are positives to living in on campus residences. / Mini Dissertation (MA (Research Psychology))--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Psychology / MA (Research Psychology) / Unrestricted

As the media followed the turn of events in Belarus, increasing arrests and the violence that followed brought tens of thousands of Belarusians into the streets to demand change, end police brutality, and display how far human rights abuses have come in Lukashenko's regime. This thesis argues that in the cases like this, foreign media comes forward to either further protester's voices or shut them down, which, drawing on the previous research, is considered dependent on the geopolitical relations of the countries involved. Departing from the normative knowledge that media, politics, and protests are interrelated, this thesis bridges theories of all three of the latter fields to craft an interdisciplinary theoretical framework for the research. Building on political and media opportunity structures and indexing theories, this thesis addresses questions of how independent from authorities is the media and how a geopolitical position might influence the coverage of the conflict. The framing analysis of LRT English, Deutsche Welle, RT, and Daily Sabah coverage during the 22 weeks is conducted to identify the coverage's patterns, developments, and changes in the coverage. The results have shown that the amount of coverage is related to the authorities position announcement. Democratic and protest supportive countries cover the protest extensively even before the authorities react; meanwhile, less democratic countries show that the coverage significantly increases as soon as the government reaction is publicised. Furthermore, the framing of the protesters differs as well. On the one hand, protesters and violence are depicted differently, on the other, frames employed in opposition supportive countries' media outlets are more diverse and explorative than in the media of Lukashenko's allies.

Social unrest, terrorism and other forms of political violence events are highly unpredictable. These events are driven by human intent and intelligence, both of which are extremely difficult to model accurately. This has resulted in a scarcity of insurance products that cover these types of perils. Links have been found between the incidence of political violence and various economic and socioeconomic variables, but to date no relationships have been identified in South Africa. The aim of this study was to address this. Firstly, by identifying relationships between the incidence of social unrest events and economic and socio-economic variables in South Africa and secondly by using these interactions to model social unrest. Spearman’s rank correlation and trendline analysis were used to compare the direction and strength of the relationships that exist between protests and the economic and socio-economic variables. To gain additional insight with regards to South African protests, daily, monthly, quarterly and annual protest models were created. This was done using four different modelling techniques, namely univariate time series, linear regression, lagged regression and the VAR (1) model. The forecasting abilities of the models were analysed using both a one-step and n-step forecasting procedure. Variations in relationships for different types of protests were also considered for five different subcategories. Spearman’s rank correlation and trendline analysis showed that the relationships between protests and economic and socio-economic variables were sensitive to changes in data frequency and the use of either national or provincial data. The daily, monthly, quarterly and annual models all had power in explaining the variation that was observed in the protest data. The annual univariate model had the highest explanatory power (R2 = 0.8721) this was followed by the quarterly VAR (1) model (R2 = 0.8659), while the monthly lagged regression model had a R2 of 0.8138. The one-step forecasting procedure found that the monthly lagged regression model outperformed the monthly VAR (1) model in the short term. The converse was seen for the short-term performance of the quarterly models. In the long term, the VAR (1) model outperformed the other models. Limitations were identified within the lagged regression model’s forecasting abilities. As a model’s long-term forecasting ability is important in the insurance world, the VAR (1) model was deemed as the best modelling technique for South African social unrest. Further model limitations were identified when the subcategories of protests were considered. This study demonstrates that with the use of the applicable economic and socio-economic variables, social unrest events in South Africa can be modelled. / Dissertation (MSc)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Absa Chair in Actuarial Science (UP) / South African Department of Science and Technology (DST) Risk Research Platform, under coordination of the North-West University (NWU) / Insurance and Actuarial Science / MSc Actuarial Mathematics / Unrestricted