The main objective of this study is to analyze how labor&rsquo / s protests against the privatization in Turkey, are reconstructed in news. So, news discourse on labor protests against privatization of SEKA and T&Uuml / PRAS investigated in five newspapers of Turkey. During analysis, on which reconciliations meaning in the news are constructed was probed by both identifying the linguistic and narrative aspects of the news. Therefore discourse analyses will be applied to study how and on which level a pro-privatization ideology production is realized in the labor protest against privatization news. So, construction of a hegemonic ideology in Turkey by joining various discourse elements, and if there are any conflicts between parties in this construction was investigated.

During the years 2000-2002, the Republic of Argentina experienced one of the most, if not the most, devastating social/political/economic crisis ever seen. President Fernando de la Rua, elected in 1999, was forced to resign on December 20th, 2001, after several months of protests, public demonstrations, and a colossal economic recession. During the crisis, the media played a vital role, they told people not only what issues to think about but also what to think about them. This study analyzed the newspapers role during the crisis using the Agenda-Setting Theory as the research foundation.

<p>This study analyses the relationship between the manner of citizens&rsquo / engagement with the state and the level of service delivery they experience in their everyday lives, as residents of Khayelitsha. The phenomena of so-called &lsquo / service delivery&rsquo / protests across South Africa have now become a fixture of South African politics. Khayelitsha is one of the sites with frequent protests in Cape Town and is inhabited by poor people, 70 percent of whom live in informal settlements. While the lack of municipal services is undoubtedly a major problem for many poor people in South Africa, thus&nbsp / far, few studies have been dedicated to investigate empirically this alleged link between service delivery and protest activity. The study utilizes mostly quantitative analysis techniques such as&nbsp / regression analysis and path analysis to discover the form and strength of linkages between the service delivery and participation forms. While residents of informal settlements and therefore&nbsp / poorer services were more prone to engage in protests and thus reinforcing the service delivery hypothesis, this relationship was relatively weak in regression analysis. What is more important than the service delivery variables such as water services was the level of cognitive awareness exemplified by the level of political engagement and awareness on the one hand and level of community engagement in terms of attendance of community meetings and membership of different organizations. In summary the study found relatively weak evidence to support the service&nbsp / delivery hypothesis and stronger evidence for the importance of cognitive awareness and resource mobilization theories in Khayelitsha as the key determinant of protest activity.</p>

This study offers an ethnographic account of the Brazilian protest movement that erupted in June of 2013. I conducted fieldwork in Rio during this time, including unstructured interviews, participant observation, unobtrusive observation, and collection of narratives to gain an understanding of what people living in Rio believe about these protests and social movements in general. The initial motivation for the protests was an increase in public transportation fare, but the movement quickly evolved into a fight for citizenship rights. With the upcoming mega-events in Rio (World Cup and Olympic Games), the city has spent billions of dollars on construction that many people think is unnecessary and ultimately useless. Brazil is a country rife with socioeconomic inequality, and many citizens lack access to having their basic needs met. Protesters in Rio argue that this money could be better spent on providing health care, education, and other fundamental necessities to the city’s population.

This study offers an ethnographic account of the Brazilian protest movement that erupted in June of 2013. I conducted fieldwork in Rio during this time, including unstructured interviews, participant observation, unobtrusive observation, and collection of narratives to gain an understanding of what people living in Rio believe about these protests and social movements in general. The initial motivation for the protests was an increase in public transportation fare, but the movement quickly evolved into a fight for citizenship rights. With the upcoming mega-events in Rio (World Cup and Olympic Games), the city has spent billions of dollars on construction that many people think is unnecessary and ultimately useless. Brazil is a country rife with socioeconomic inequality, and many citizens lack access to having their basic needs met. Protesters in Rio argue that this money could be better spent on providing health care, education, and other fundamental necessities to the city’s population.

What triggers political unrest under International Monetary Fund (IMF) programmes? Why do we see unrest - protests, strikes, and riots - in some countries under IMF programmes and not in others? This thesis argues that IMF labour conditionality in an immobile labour market compounded by intrusive fiscal conditionality and blocked democratic channels result in unrest. Where labour is immobile in the borrowing country, IMF labour conditionality decentralising the market creates large-scale grievances among the labour groups. Immobile labour groups substantially lose income and benefits under those measures due to high wage differentials and varied labour protection measures across sectors. Moreover, uncertainty and risks increase, while the opportunities to return back to employment or to maintain the existing income and benefits diminish. When the political authority is unable to address the rising grievances due to tight fiscal conditionality and blocked democratic channels, we observe political unrest under IMF programmes. Where labour is mobile, on the other hand, it is easier for workers to switch between sectors and jobs when the economic crisis hits their sector. The labour groups respond to the internal crisis and the external impact by increasing mobility and switching to the sectors that are still growing despite the crisis. Labour conditions do not give rise to a similar degree of uncertainty and risks compared to immobile markets. Hence, programmes are implemented without large-scale unrest. The study tests this theory in a global sample of 117 countries between 1970 and 2013 and investigates the impact of mobility and IMF conditionality on unrest with a data set originally compiled and coded for this study. It then delves into two extreme cases, Greece, 2010 and Turkey, 2001. While Greece had extreme immobility and received intrusive labour and fiscal conditionality in 2010, Turkey is located on the opposite end of the spectrum, with very high levels of mobility, the limited number of labour conditions, and greater fiscal space. We see that while Greece witnessed large-scale unrest in 2010, Turkey implemented the programme smoothly. Finally, the study applies the theory into three shadow cases, Ireland, 2010, Latvia, 2008, and Portugal, 2011 and demonstrates that the varied degrees of mobility and conditionality and fiscal conditionality result in different degrees of unrest.

[pt] Ondas de protestos pelo mundo têm sido conectadas à disseminação do uso de mídias sociais. Neste artigo, eu investigo os efeitos de mídias sociais sobre os protestos brasileiros de junho de 2013. Para tal, eu exploro o fato de que os eventos aconteceram em alta frequência e em um curto espaço de tempo para identificar o efeito de mídias sociais sobre protestos e mostro que atividade em mídias sociais, através do Twitter, teve impacto positivo sobre protestos, tanto na margem intensiva quanto na margem extensiva. Encontro, para as especificações preferidas, que um aumento de 10 por cento de atividade no Twitter aumenta em 6.7 por cento o número de manifestantes nas ruas e em 3 por cento a probabilidade de um protesto ocorrer. Além disso, ao analisar o conteúdo compartilhado, e a dinâmica das trocas de informação, consigo identificar dois mecanismos por tras desse efeito: difusão de informação e coordenação. Os resultados indicam que mídias sociais afetaram os protestos ao possibilitar uma melhor coordenação entre os indivíduos, e que difusão de informação não foi relevante. / [en] Waves of protests across the world have been linked to the dissemination of social media. In this paper I investigate the effect of social media on protests during the Brazilian protests of June 2013. I exploit the high frequency and short time dimension of the events in order to identify the effect of social media on protests and show that social media activity, through Twitter, positively impacted protesting behavior - attendance and occurrence. I find, for the preferred specifications, that a 10 percent increase in Twitter activity led to an increase of 6.7 percent in the number of protestors in the streets and an increase of 3 percent on the probability of the occurrence of a protest. Furthermore, by analyzing the dynamics of content shared between users, I am able to differentiate between two mechanisms, information diffusion and coordination. Results indicate that more precise coordination was driving the protests through social media, and that information diffusion did not play a role.

O tema desta pesquisa são as disputas travadas por veículos midiáticos na cobertura a ações de movimentos sociais. Busca-se, empiricamente, identificar os enquadramentos interpretativos construídos por três jornais (Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho e Sul21) sobre o ciclo de protestos de 2013, em Porto Alegre/RS, em especial no que se refere às interações entre manifestantes e aparato policial. Metodologicamente, foi construído um banco de dados com todas as publicações de cada jornal, na cobertura ao ciclo de manifestações, bem como foram entrevistados(as) jornalistas responsáveis pela produção do conteúdo dessas publicações. Após a organização e a quantificação do corpus de dados, com a identificação de tendências de cobertura, foram selecionados eventos específicos de protesto (ocorridos em 27 de março, 04 de abril, 13 de junho e 20 de junho), bem como as “retrospectivas” de final de ano, para análise de conteúdo. A convergência entre o material empírico e os referenciais teóricos resultou em três dimensões centrais: a identidade dos(as) manifestantes; a caracterização da(s) reivindicação(ões) do protesto; as interações entre manifestantes e policiais. A partir de tais dimensões construiu-se um modelo analítico para operacionalização do estudo. Os resultados da pesquisa indicam que a construção de enquadramentos interpretativos por Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho e Sul21 foi caracterizada pela multiplicidade de esquemas interpretativos. Essa multiplicidade diz respeito a diferenças (a) entre os conteúdos de cada jornal e a (b) transformações de enquadramento no curso das mobilizações. Zero Hora e Diário Gaúcho produziram enquadramentos similares. Inicialmente, as coberturas de ambos os jornais centraram-se na identificação de repertórios de dano a patrimônios por manifestantes, tomando-se a manifestação (denominada “baderna”) como ilegítima. Ao longo do ano, Zero Hora e Diário Gaúcho delimitaram uma distinção entre “manifestantes pacíficos” e um grupo específico - qualificado pelo termo “vândalos” -, o qual foi considerado responsabilizável pela realização de repertórios de dano a patrimônios. A referida transformação de enquadramento denotou uma autonomização deste repertório específico (tomado como ilegítimo) em relação à manifestação (considerada legítima). O Sul21 caracterizou-se, diversamente, pela ênfase, desde o início do ano, no questionamento à ação policial de repressão às mobilizações. Os protestos, por outro turno, foram invariavelmente considerados legítimos pelo Sul21. Por fim, as “retrospectivas” de final de ano indicaram similaridades no enquadramento de todos os jornais, com a construção de uma síntese interpretativa hegemônica a respeito do ciclo de protestos. A partir da análise de dados, formulou-se a seguinte tipologia dos enquadramentos interpretativos adotados em diferentes momentos do ano: “Manifestação como afronta à ordem”; “Polícia como instituição violenta”; “Maioria de manifestantes pacíficos em oposição à minoria de manifestantes violentos”; “Maioria de manifestantes pacíficos em oposição à minoria de manifestantes violentos e a uma polícia violenta”. A análise cronológica denotou disputas entre esses diferentes modelos de cobertura, com a constituição de um “campo de batalha” interpretativo. / The subject of this research is the disputes promoted by media vehicles at the coverage of social movements actions. We seek to, empirically, identify the interpretative frameworks built by three newspapers (Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho and Sul21) about the 2013 protests cycle, in Porto Alegre/RS, in particular in what it refers to the interactions between protesters and police apparatus. Methodologically, we constructed a database with all the publications of each newspaper, at the coverage of the mobilization cycle and we interviewed journalists responsible for producing the content of these publications. After organizing and quantifying the database, identifying coverage trends, we selected specific protest events (occurred on March 27, April 04, June 13 and June 20) and the end-of-the-year "retrospectives" for content analysis. The convergence between empirical data and theoretical references resulted in three central dimensions: the identity of protesters; the characterization of protest claims; the interactions between protesters, and police. From these dimensions we constructed an analytical model for the implementation of the study. The survey results indicate that the construction of interpretative frameworks by Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho, and Sul21 was characterized by the multiplicity of interpretative schemes. This multiplicity concerns about the differences (a) between the contents of each newspaper and about the (b) framework changes in the course of mobilizations. Zero Hora and Diário Gaúcho produced similar frameworks. Initially, the coverage of both newspapers focused on the identification of repertoires of patrimonial damage by protesters, taking the manifestation (called "hooliganism") as illegitimate. Throughout the year, Zero Hora and Diário Gaúcho delimited a distinction between "peaceful protesters" and a specific group - qualified as "vandals" -, which was considered responsible for conducting repertoires of patrimonial damage. This framework transformation denoted an increasing autonomy of this particular repertoire (taken as illegitimate) in relation with the mobilization itself (considered legitimate). Sul21 was characterized, diversely, by the emphasis, since the beginning of the year, on questioning the police action of repression to the manifestations. The protests, on the other hand, were invariably considered legitimate by Sul21. Finally, the end-of-the-year "retrospectives" indicated similarities between the frameworks of all the newspapers, with the construction of a hegemonic interpretative synthesis about the protest cycle. From the data analysis, we formulated the following typology of interpretative frameworks adopted in different moments of the year: "manifestation as an affront to order"; "Police as a violent institution"; "The majority of peaceful protesters opposed to the minority of violent protesters"; "The majority of peaceful protesters opposed to the minority of violent protesters and opposed to a violent police." The chronological analysis denoted disputes between these different types of coverage, with the establishment of a "battlefield" interpretation.

This essay aims at studying the use of social media by states and state actors. More specifically, the study is exploring how the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) are using their official Twitter account @IDFSpokesperson in relation to the 2018 Gaza protests. The study is utilizing a quantitative content analysis as well as a framing analysis for the analysis of the Twitter account and is having a theoretical base in framing theory. The findings suggest that there is a problem when democratic states use social media – there is a fine line between being transparent and disseminating propaganda.

O tema desta pesquisa são as disputas travadas por veículos midiáticos na cobertura a ações de movimentos sociais. Busca-se, empiricamente, identificar os enquadramentos interpretativos construídos por três jornais (Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho e Sul21) sobre o ciclo de protestos de 2013, em Porto Alegre/RS, em especial no que se refere às interações entre manifestantes e aparato policial. Metodologicamente, foi construído um banco de dados com todas as publicações de cada jornal, na cobertura ao ciclo de manifestações, bem como foram entrevistados(as) jornalistas responsáveis pela produção do conteúdo dessas publicações. Após a organização e a quantificação do corpus de dados, com a identificação de tendências de cobertura, foram selecionados eventos específicos de protesto (ocorridos em 27 de março, 04 de abril, 13 de junho e 20 de junho), bem como as “retrospectivas” de final de ano, para análise de conteúdo. A convergência entre o material empírico e os referenciais teóricos resultou em três dimensões centrais: a identidade dos(as) manifestantes; a caracterização da(s) reivindicação(ões) do protesto; as interações entre manifestantes e policiais. A partir de tais dimensões construiu-se um modelo analítico para operacionalização do estudo. Os resultados da pesquisa indicam que a construção de enquadramentos interpretativos por Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho e Sul21 foi caracterizada pela multiplicidade de esquemas interpretativos. Essa multiplicidade diz respeito a diferenças (a) entre os conteúdos de cada jornal e a (b) transformações de enquadramento no curso das mobilizações. Zero Hora e Diário Gaúcho produziram enquadramentos similares. Inicialmente, as coberturas de ambos os jornais centraram-se na identificação de repertórios de dano a patrimônios por manifestantes, tomando-se a manifestação (denominada “baderna”) como ilegítima. Ao longo do ano, Zero Hora e Diário Gaúcho delimitaram uma distinção entre “manifestantes pacíficos” e um grupo específico - qualificado pelo termo “vândalos” -, o qual foi considerado responsabilizável pela realização de repertórios de dano a patrimônios. A referida transformação de enquadramento denotou uma autonomização deste repertório específico (tomado como ilegítimo) em relação à manifestação (considerada legítima). O Sul21 caracterizou-se, diversamente, pela ênfase, desde o início do ano, no questionamento à ação policial de repressão às mobilizações. Os protestos, por outro turno, foram invariavelmente considerados legítimos pelo Sul21. Por fim, as “retrospectivas” de final de ano indicaram similaridades no enquadramento de todos os jornais, com a construção de uma síntese interpretativa hegemônica a respeito do ciclo de protestos. A partir da análise de dados, formulou-se a seguinte tipologia dos enquadramentos interpretativos adotados em diferentes momentos do ano: “Manifestação como afronta à ordem”; “Polícia como instituição violenta”; “Maioria de manifestantes pacíficos em oposição à minoria de manifestantes violentos”; “Maioria de manifestantes pacíficos em oposição à minoria de manifestantes violentos e a uma polícia violenta”. A análise cronológica denotou disputas entre esses diferentes modelos de cobertura, com a constituição de um “campo de batalha” interpretativo. / The subject of this research is the disputes promoted by media vehicles at the coverage of social movements actions. We seek to, empirically, identify the interpretative frameworks built by three newspapers (Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho and Sul21) about the 2013 protests cycle, in Porto Alegre/RS, in particular in what it refers to the interactions between protesters and police apparatus. Methodologically, we constructed a database with all the publications of each newspaper, at the coverage of the mobilization cycle and we interviewed journalists responsible for producing the content of these publications. After organizing and quantifying the database, identifying coverage trends, we selected specific protest events (occurred on March 27, April 04, June 13 and June 20) and the end-of-the-year "retrospectives" for content analysis. The convergence between empirical data and theoretical references resulted in three central dimensions: the identity of protesters; the characterization of protest claims; the interactions between protesters, and police. From these dimensions we constructed an analytical model for the implementation of the study. The survey results indicate that the construction of interpretative frameworks by Zero Hora, Diário Gaúcho, and Sul21 was characterized by the multiplicity of interpretative schemes. This multiplicity concerns about the differences (a) between the contents of each newspaper and about the (b) framework changes in the course of mobilizations. Zero Hora and Diário Gaúcho produced similar frameworks. Initially, the coverage of both newspapers focused on the identification of repertoires of patrimonial damage by protesters, taking the manifestation (called "hooliganism") as illegitimate. Throughout the year, Zero Hora and Diário Gaúcho delimited a distinction between "peaceful protesters" and a specific group - qualified as "vandals" -, which was considered responsible for conducting repertoires of patrimonial damage. This framework transformation denoted an increasing autonomy of this particular repertoire (taken as illegitimate) in relation with the mobilization itself (considered legitimate). Sul21 was characterized, diversely, by the emphasis, since the beginning of the year, on questioning the police action of repression to the manifestations. The protests, on the other hand, were invariably considered legitimate by Sul21. Finally, the end-of-the-year "retrospectives" indicated similarities between the frameworks of all the newspapers, with the construction of a hegemonic interpretative synthesis about the protest cycle. From the data analysis, we formulated the following typology of interpretative frameworks adopted in different moments of the year: "manifestation as an affront to order"; "Police as a violent institution"; "The majority of peaceful protesters opposed to the minority of violent protesters"; "The majority of peaceful protesters opposed to the minority of violent protesters and opposed to a violent police." The chronological analysis denoted disputes between these different types of coverage, with the establishment of a "battlefield" interpretation.