Thesis (M. P. A.)--Texas State University-San Marcos, 2005. / "Fall 2005." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 76-81).

Thesis (M. P. A.)--Texas State University-San Marcos, 2006. / "Spring 2006." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 64-68).

Washington and Oregon are more renowned for their artisanal coffee shops, impressive mountainscapes, and booming technology industry than sex trafficking. Nevertheless, in coffee shops, using the roads that run through those mountain ranges, and capitalizing on the tech-driven population growth are traffickers who profit off the sexual exploitation of their victim’s bodies. Through careful examination of anti-trafficking theory, what is known about sex trafficking in the Pacific Northwest, and Washington and Oregon’s separate anti-trafficking efforts this thesis seeks to identify the reason why the region struggles to combat the sex trafficking circuit between Seattle and Portland. I determined that each state’s anti-trafficking efforts operate well in their separate spheres, but are not preventing the region’s sex trafficking economy from increasing. Since the problem defies state lines, maybe the solution should as well.

The use of crime prevention initiatives on American college campuses has rapidly increased in the past three decades as high profile crime incidents continue to erode the public’s perception of universities as sanctuaries —isolated from criminal activity. Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) is an environmental approach to crime prevention that refers to strategies that focus on reducing crime opportunities by manipulating the physical and social qualities of the environment. Although empirical research on CPTED is growing, little is known about the impact of this method on educational settings. The main argument of the present study is that CPTED has the potential to foster campus safety by reducing crime and increasing the perception of safety. Based on findings from previous studies, it is expected that universities with higher level of CPTED are more likely to have lower crime rates, and students residing in high CPTED campus facilities are more likely to have higher perception of safety. To test the hypothesized effect, a content analysis of the annual safety reports of 100 postsecondary institutions in the United States was conducted. In addition, the residents of two dormitories of a university were surveyed to assess their safety perceptions. Furthermore, a case study was conducted in a college campus with a systematic deployment of the CPTED approach. In-depth interviews, one focus group, in-site observations, and analysis of secondary data were performed to contextualize the study findings. Although the quantitative analysis of the national review of the annual safety reports did not provide evidence in support of the hypothesized effect, it uncovered a reverse relationship between crime rate and use of environmental crime prevention measures. The results of the survey of students’ perception of safety, on the other hand, revealed evidence in support of the second hypothesis of the dissertation. Furthermore, the qualitative case study analysis provided insight into the implementation procedures, strengths, and challenges of the systematic CPTED program. The main findings show how CPTED works in the academic context and what alterations are needed to advance the program.

A growing interest in urban food production has prompted many North American cities to revise their municipal policies regarding agricultural activities. In March 2011, the City Council of Burlington, VT, created the Urban Agriculture Task Force to investigate and recommend policies to provide city officials with tools to effectively govern urban agriculture. In coordination with the Task Force as a community partner, I used a governance framework and participatory action research (PAR) to analyze: (1) the needs of local stakeholders, including urban agriculture practitioners, the general Burlington community, and government officials; (2) the policy tools available to the City of Burlington, including the direct provision of services, regulation, public information, and partnerships with other organizations; (3) the actors and relationships present in Burlington’s urban agriculture governance network; and (4) policy approaches used in other cities. Based on this analysis, over 50 policy recommendations were developed for the City of Burlington, ranging from ordinance revisions to the development of new urban agriculture initiatives. Key findings include that (1) a balance must be struck between stakeholder needs (e.g. practitioners desire that regulations be minimal, while municipal officials need measurable standards to ease implementation); (2) a legal basis for governing some aspects of urban agriculture, such as the humane treatment of livestock, is needed, but other aspects, such as managing neighbor conflicts or connecting people to available land, are not easily regulated and require innovative programming; and (3) the City has an opportunity to partner with other organizations that are better suited to provide technical expertise to practitioners. These recommendations lay the groundwork for the City to better govern and support current and future urban agriculture activities.

This dissertation examined transportation grants provided to states under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA). Some states acquired more grants and utilized them in a timelier manner than others. This dissertation examined why this is the case, utilizing System Theory and Resource Based Theory as the intellectual framework. Human resource and financial resource capacities were viewed as the principal drivers of success and studying this managerially controllable variables underpin the analysis. Though many studies have examined ARRA since 2009, my dissertation is the first to simultaneously examine the three stages of the ARRA transportation grant process: acquisition, implementation, and impact. There are three research questions, aligned with the three stages: (1) what factors affect state governments in the acquisition of competitive grants? (2) what factors affect state governments in the implementation of competitive and formula grants? and (3) what factors affect state governments in expenditure recovery and transportation investment? Government Capacity consists of four components, namely human resources, financial resources, general management, and experience. I used three regression models (log-linear for the first, and panel corrected standard error for the last two) to test the impact of the government capacity on grant acquisition, implementation, and impact. Overall, the test results showed that three dimensions of government capacity played a significant role to varying extents with respect to ARRA: human resource, financial resource, and experience. States with higher government capacity [strength (S) of capacity] turned the threat (T) of the Great Recession into an opportunity (O) for the restoration and development of transportation, and compensated for their weakness (W). The dissertation concluded that specific aspects of Government Capacity were thus relevant predictors of the acquisition, implementation, and impact of ARRA grants. Findings also support prior research that quality, not quantity of personnel may of signal import to organizational capacity during times of fiscal stress.

During the past few decades, decentralization efforts in México have coincided with efforts to democratize the administrative decision-making process. Adopted in 1988, the Programa Nacional de Solidaridad (National Solidarity Program; PRONASOL) required citizen participation in decisions involving the use of federal resources for regional development and poverty alleviation projects. In 1998, Section 33 of the Ley de Coordinación Fiscal (Fiscal Coordination Law; LCF) placed Social Infrastructure Funds (SIF) directly under the supervision of municipalities and retained the requirement that citizens participate in decisions involving the allocation of funds. The present study seeks to understand the factors that affect the participation of citizen committees (composed of community members; organized to address a particular cause) in SIF allocation decisions and assess the impact of this form of citizen participation on government performance. To pursue this objective, the study analyzes the implementation of LCF with respect to the role of citizen committees in SIF allocation decisions at two different locations: the township of Santa Maria Tonantzintla, located in the municipality of San Andrés Cholula, in the state of Puebla, and the rural municipality of Tenango Del Aire, located in El Estado de México (the State of México). The study finds that gender, church participation, and personal economy play major roles in the formation of citizen committees. Although the citizen committees have been instrumental in getting their SIF projects prioritized, they have had little effect on the quality or efficiency with which the projects were carried out. In general, the municipal decision-making process in both municipalities lack mechanisms to guarantee citizen participation and thus to ensure consideration of the broader public interest beyond the interest of organized groups. Because SIF can be used for various economic development projects, such as water, sewage, electrification, emergency clinics, and schools, it was of particular importance to determine whether the participatory mechanism was functioning correctly. Given the nature of the projects carried out by municipalities, flaws in the implementation process, including failures to include the broader public, could hinder not only local economic development, but also the economic growth of the nation.

Political corruption in the Caribbean Basin retards state economic growth and development, undermines government legitimacy, and threatens state security. In spite of recent anti-corruption efforts of intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations (IGO/NGOs), Caribbean political corruption problems appear to be worsening in the post-Cold War period. This dissertation discovers why IGO/NGO efforts to arrest corruption are failing by investigating the domestic and international causes of political corruption in the Caribbean. The dissertation’s theoretical framework centers on an interdisciplinary model of the causes of political corruption built within the rule-oriented constructivist approach to social science. The model first employs a rational choice analysis that broadly explains the varying levels of political corruption found across the region. The constructivist theory of social rules is then used to develop the structural mechanisms that further explain the region’s levels of political corruption. The dissertation advances its theory of the causes of political corruption through qualitative disciplined-configurative case studies of political corruption in Jamaica and Costa Rica. The dissertation finds that IGO/NGO sponsored anti-corruption programs are failing because they employ only technical measures (issuing anti-corruption laws and regulations, providing transparency in accounting procedures, improving freedom of the press, establishing electoral reforms, etc.). While these IGO/NGO technical measures are necessary, they are not sufficient to arrest the Caribbean’s political corruption problems. This dissertation concludes that to be successful, IGO/NGO anti-corruption programs must also include social measures, e.g., building civil societies and modernizing political cultures, for there to be any hope of lowering political corruption levels and improving Caribbean social conditions. The dissertation also highlights the key role of Caribbean governing elite in constructing the political and economic structures that cause their states’ political corruption problems.

This dissertation is a comparative case study of regional cooperation in the field of economic development. In the 21st century global economy, proponents of regionalism have put forth fresh arguments for collective action. A regional approach to economic development activity presents a classic social dilemma: How can local officials collectively improve the economic prospects of a region, and remain autonomous to act in the best interest of the local community? This research examines the role of social capital in overcoming this social dilemma. Three (3) comparable Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) form the empirical basis of this research. The Houston MSA, the Atlanta MSA and the Miami MSA present distinct variations of regionalized economic development activity. This dissertation seeks to explain this disparity in the dependent variable. The hypothesis is that accrued social capital is crucial to obtaining economic development cooperative agreements. This qualitative research utilized secondary demographic and economic databases, survey instruments, interviews, field observations, and a review of legislative and administrative decisions to formulate a clear understanding of the factors influencing the current state of regional economic development cooperation within each region. The study concludes that the legislative and executive decisions of state government exert inordinate influence on the capacity of local officials to cooperate regionally for economic development purposes.

The purpose of this research is to examine the factors that have influenced political decentralization in Paraguay and Colombia and how the new intergovernmental relations that result in political, fiscal and policy decentralization impact local governments and their capacity to deliver public services. The research, building on institutional theory, places particular emphasis on trying to explain and understand how intergovernmental relations shape the decentralization—and effectiveness—of public service delivery to local and regional governments, particularly in the areas of health and education. The research method is principally a path-dependent within-cases analysis. The analysis traces how the processes of decentralization evolved from 1990 to 2010. Special attention is given to critical junctures, or special political or social circumstances, that have significantly changed the process of decentralization. Data was collected mainly through reviews of documents, journals and newspapers, and most significantly through elite interviews “tailored to the purposes of the study” (Aberbach & Rockman, 2002). Leaders of political parties, unions, non-governmental-organizations and civic movements were interviewed in both countries. The research shows that political parties play a very important role, not only in the design and implementation of decentralization of public service delivery, but also in sustaining and furthering the process. The analysis is based on the assumption that increased decentralization of health and education to local and regional levels should positively impact basic health and education indicators. If decentralization, as argued, helps governments to be more responsive to local needs, and if more health and education programs are decentralized to the local and regional level in response to the demands of many communities, it is predicted that health and education indicators would improve, as people would have easier access to these services. Analysis of health and education indicators in the form of infant mortality rates (deaths of children under one year old, live births) and school enrollment show mixed results for both Colombia and Paraguay.