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Title: “Where the Feral Things Are: An analysis of how the USDA and Department of the Interior’s Agencies Manage Feral Hogs, Horses and Burros” Author: Elizabeth Poczobut, MPA Candidate, Department of Political Science, Public Policy and International Affairs, College of Arts and Sciences, ETSU. Abstract: Many Americans cannot picture the “Wild West” without also picturing the majesty, liberty and mystique of wild horses roaming the plains. This deeply held cultural view of wild horses lead to the 1971 passage of the Wild, Free-Roaming Horses and Burros Act. This act tasked the Department of the Interior, and subsequently the Bureau of Land Management, with protecting wild horses and burros from “capture, branding, harassment, or death…as an integral part of the natural system of the public lands.” In 1971, there were approximately 25,000 free-roaming horses and burros on public land in the western United States. That number has grown to over 70,000 animals today, and the Bureau of Land Management alone spends approximately $81 million in taxpayer money every year to continue carrying out the management objectives set in 1971. Wild horses and burros are a uniquely protected and managed non-native species in the United States due to a variety of administrative, cultural and legal management constraints. They are protected from many forms of eradication and have virtually no natural predators. When feral horses are compared with other non-native species like wild hogs, the management inequalities are obvious. The United States Department of Agriculture estimates that there are 5 million feral hogs roaming the United States, and that they are responsible for about $1.5 million in damages to natural resources. Unlike feral horses, feral hogs are managed by a variety of means up to and including unrestricted eradication. This paper will analyze the non-native, mammal management practices of five major United States agencies and compare legislation, cultural expectations and administrative regulations of these two major feral species. The attempted resolutions and new management proposals are also discussed, and the potential implications of these are taken into consideration.

"Issues of gender have always, and continue to, inhibit women from access to public office. With the increase of gender mainstreaming and struggle for equality, the internntional community has become increasingly aware of the absence of women in politics. The aims of this dissertation is not only, however, to be conscious of women's absence in politics, but to also take steps to redefine sound strategies to implement gender equality in terms of the political participation of women on the part of governments. This dissertation will focus on the place accorded to South African women in relation to the consolidation of a fairly new democracy, compared and contrasted to the struggle of their Cameroonian counterparts within the context of a much older democracy. Moreover, ratified conventional instruments as well as domestic constitutional dispositions currently in force in Cameroon dictate gender equality, thus calling for the implementation of special measures to enhance the participation of women. Yet, there have been no serious efforts on the part of Cameroon to revise or abrogate numerous coexisting discriminatory provisions and practices that perpetrate systematic discrimination against women in various ways within existing institutions. ... Chapter one sets out the scope of the study through the identification of the research problem and outlines the chosen methodology. This chapter also states the aims and objectives of the paper as well as its limitations. Chapter two considers the international and regional provisions governing women's rights. The main aim of this chapter is to recoup dispositions in human rights instruments with specific reference to gender equality and the participation of women in public life. Chapter three gives a historical backdrop of the participation of women in politics in both countries and sets out the domestic and constitutional provisions that relate to the status of women in politics in both Cameroon and South Africa. It also contains case studies to elucidate the particular challenges faced by women in these two countries. Chapter four analyses the extent to which Cameroon and South Africa have complied with international, regional as well as national human rights standards pertaining to women's political participation rights. The final chapter will contain conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Letitia van der Poll, Faculty of Law of the University of the Western Cape, South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Pendant longtemps, malgré les enjeux, ni l'Assemblée Nationale ni le Sénat ne réglementaient l'exercice de la représentation d'intérêts en leur sein. Cette absence de réglementation ne signifiait pas pour autant que le lobbying s’exerçait en dehors de tout cadre juridique. L'article 27 de la Constitution dispose que « tout mandat impératif est nul » tandis que le nouveau Code pénal sanctionne les atteintes à la probité. Parallèlement, des sociétés de relations publiques en quête d'une meilleure image ont décidé de rédiger leurs propres chartes déontologiques. Depuis, la situation a évolué. Désormais, l'Assemblée Nationale et le Sénat réglementent les activités de lobbying. Si ces réglementations ont le mérite d'exister, elles demeurent toutefois insuffisantes. En effet, les dispositifs en vigueur n'ont pas permis d'atteindre les objectifs escomptés. Dès lors, une évolution et une harmonisation de la réglementation semblent indispensables. L’objet de ma thèse serait l’élaboration d’un dispositif commun et d’un nouveau registre qui aurait un caractère obligatoire et présenterait une typologie plus détaillée des représentants d'intérêts aux deux chambres du Parlement, aux collectivités territoriales, aux administrations publiques, et aux ministères, où les possibilités d'influence demeurent importantes. / For a long time, despite the stakes, neither the National Assembly nor the Senate regulated the exercise of the representation of interests within them. This lack of regulation did not mean that lobbying was conducted outside of any legal framework. Article 27 of the Constitution provides that "any imperative mandate is void" while the new Penal Code sanctions breaches of probity. At the same time, public relations companies in search of a better image have decided to draft their own ethical charters. Since then, the situation has changed. From now on, the National Assembly and the Senate regulate the activities of lobbying. While these regulations have the merit of existing, they remain insufficient. Indeed, the mechanisms in force have not made it possible to achieve the expected objectives. Therefore, an evolution and a harmonization of the regulations seem essential. The subject of my thesis would be the elaboration of a common system and a new register which would be compulsory and would present a more detailed typology of the representatives of interests to the two chambers of Parliament, local authorities, public administrations and to departments where opportunities for influence remain important.

Since the ruling of Roe v. Wade in 1973, controversy in regards to its acceptance in the U.S. remains prevalent politically and socially as opponents of abortion “pro-life” has adopted a strategy of “legal but inaccessible” that has resulted in the passage of several state laws since its establishment. This research project examines relationship between the level of support for abortion policy in the U.S. and some factors namely; Gender, Religious background, and Political ideology by drawing from an online-survey of 100 university students in the U.S. Also, it examines the difference in abortion rates among U.S. states that are governed by republican or democratic governors using abortion rate data of all 50 U.S. states including the District of Columbia for the year 2015 sourced from Abortion statistics and other data. Two statistical techniques were employed and they include: Chi-Square test and Independent sample T-test. Results from the chi-square tests support the null hypothesis that there is no relationship between the support for abortion policy and gender, religious background, and political ideology. Also, from the T-test result, we found that there is no significant difference in abortion rates among U.S. states that are governed by republican or democratic governors. Findings based on the trend analysis of annual U.S. abortion from 1973-2015 shows that the reported annual abortion in the U.S. is on a continuous decrease since the 1990s even though abortion has been legalized in all U.S. states.

Public affairs professionals are responsible for monitoring the sociopolitical environment and using information strategies to respond to public policy proposals on behalf of firms and organizations. To develop, implement, and legitimize public policy, lawmakers and public administrators rely on the input from external experts and stakeholders. The purpose of this research was to explore how public affairs engage with healthcare intraorganizational stakeholders to leverage their knowledge for information strategies. Knowledge transfer served as a theoretical framework through a qualitative multiple case study of 3 healthcare delivery organizations in the upper Midwest of the United States. Primary data were collected using semistructured interviews from public affairs (n = 11) and healthcare professionals (n = 18). Organizational documents and public records were reviewed to understand the internal interaction of public affairs and the development of information strategies. Patterns and themes emerged through cross case synthesis, presented as a process-based model and theory. Public affairs functions were structured inconsistently in all case sites. Decision-making processes primarily involved nonpublic affairs stakeholders approving information products. Intraorganizational engagement and knowledge transfer was found as ad-hoc and consistent, through a blending of informal and formal methods. Practitioner strategies, tactics, and challenges were identified to facilitate internal interaction. This study provides insight to improving public affairs practice and supports linking the expertise of healthcare stakeholders to policymaking. Improving the healthcare delivery system through public policymaking is fostered through aligning policy with the knowledge of healthcare professional practice.

The purpose of this study was to examine and explore the meanings, and essence of the lived experience of Nigerian women whose male siblings had been prioritized in the family. The goal of the was to use the detailed description given by the research participants to understand the impact of male sibling prioritization, and thereby advance gender equality in Nigeria. The fundamental importance of obtaining a better understanding of the impact of male sibling prioritization on women and gender equality influenced the researcher to commit herself to this study. A qualitative phenomenological research method was employed to conduct this study. Sources of data for this research study were observations, semi-structured one-on-one interviews, and transcripts from the research participants. The twelve research participants for the study were Nigerian women, homogenous by the criteria that they were all born and raised to adulthood in Nigeria. In addition, the research participants lived in South Florida, could read and write English and had one or more male siblings. Initial analysis of the data led to the unfolding of themes connected to male sibling prioritization and gender equality. Twenty symbolic themes surfaced from the research. These themes helped to show how Nigerian women were affected by male sibling prioritization, and how understanding these disadvantages could be used to promote gender equality. It is anticipated that the results from this research study will inform scholars, researchers, therapists, government officials, families, and conflict practitioners on ways to provide social, economic, educational, and political conditions favorable to Nigerian women seeking gender equality, and empowerment.