President Ronald Reagan participated in more U.S.-Soviet summits than any previous U.S. president, as he met with his Soviet counterpart, Mikhail Gorbachev, on four occasions between November 1985 and June 1988. Prior to, during, and following each meeting with Gorbachev, Reagan often engaged in the rhetoric of public diplomacy, including speeches, statements, and media interviews. The four Reagan- Gorbachev summits accompanied significant changes in U.S.-Soviet relations, in the Cold War, and also within the Soviet Union. Many scholars attribute improved U.S.- Soviet relations to a change in Reagan’s Soviet rhetoric and policies, arguing that he abandoned the confrontation of his first term for conciliation during his second term. Other scholars argue that Reagan failed to abandon confrontation and, consequently, missed opportunities to support the liberalization of the Soviet system. Based upon close analysis of Reagan’s summit rhetoric, this dissertation contends that he did not abandon his confrontational policy objectives, but he did modify his rhetoric about the Soviets. Reagan reformulated the conventional Cold War rhetoric of rapprochement that emphasized nuclear arms controls as the path to world peace by emphasizing increased U.S.-Soviet trust as prerequisite to new arms treaties. Reagan’s summit rhetoric emphasized the need for the Soviets to make changes in non-nuclear arms areas as a means of reducing international mistrust and increasing the likelihood of new U.S.- Soviet arms treaties. Reagan advocated that the Soviets participate in increased bilateral people-to-people exchanges, demonstrate respect for human rights, and disengage from various regional conflicts, especially Afghanistan. Reagan adopted a dualistic strategy that combined confrontation and conciliation as he sought to promote those changes in Soviet policies and practices. During his second term as president, Reagan made his confrontational rhetoric less strident and also used more conciliatory discourse. At the same time, he subsumed his anti-Soviet objectives within his conciliatory rhetoric. This rhetorical strategy allowed Reagan to continue to advocate anti-Soviet objectives while at the same time seeking to promote improved relations and world peace. The findings of this dissertation suggest that existing scholarly views of Reagan’s summit rhetoric and his role in promoting the liberalization of the Soviet system should be reconsidered.

The diploma thesis introduces the term public diplomacy and examines it in the context of Czech Republic. The aim of the thesis is to explore, describe and evaluate Czech Republic's practice in the field of public diplomacy. The study also focuses on the term nation branding and brand image of countries. A whole chapter is dedicated to the "brand Czech republic". The last part of the diploma thesis analyzes the Czech presidency of the Council of the European Union in the first half of 2009 from the view of its presentation and communication.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to analyse current public diplomacy and the specifics of public diplomacy in small and medium-sized states. As an example of such a state it studies South Korean public diplomacy and nation branding policies. The first part of the thesis focuses on theoretical frame of public diplomacy, its goals, actors, instruments, specifics of small and medium-sized states, difference between public diplomacy and nation branding and evaluation possibilites. The second part analyses the public diplomacy in South Korea, one of the representatives of small and medium-sized states. The third part focuses on nation branding, an important part of South Korean foreign policy.

The thesis focuses on relationships, structures and processes that fundamentally influence the implementation of the nation branding mechanisms to the scope of activities carried out by Czech republic´s institutional actors; on the mutual communication between the state and the European cultural environment; and on the role that the Czech republic´s institutional actors play in the communication with the external environment of the country. The thesis elucidates the extent of involvement of relevant actors in the process of nation branding of the Czech Republic and its position in the international relations on the European territory. It critically interrogates models and approaches towards the nation branding and brings detailed insights into the matter through the perspective of supranational, national and local actors (both formal and informal) that contribute to the creation of a country´s image. It provides an insight into the institutional framework of the nation branding in the Czech Republic and identification of the sources of double-track processes in the distribution of agenda and a level of involvement of public diplomacy actors and other institutions responsible for the presentation of a country. Based on the analysis of the formal and informal level of such relationships and interactions, it brings a plan of formal simplification of the implementation process of the nation branding strategy in the Czech Republic.

In today's globalized world where states compete with each other for political power and for the attention of potential investors, consumers, tourists, students and workers the nation brand is becoming more and more important. Those states which have a strong, positive and trustworthy image abroad gain a better position in the international relations and reach their political, economic and other goals more easily. That is why states are motivated to pay more attention to building their image abroad. The thesis analyzes the image of Sweden abroad and its authenticity. There have been considerable changes in the Swedish society recently. The aim of the thesis is to find out whether the changes in the society bring about changes in the basic societal values. And if so, whether these changes are reflected in the building of Sweden's image abroad, and in what manner.

Public diplomacy helps to promote the state in the world and achieve its interests. Every state approachs in different way the public diplomacy. The thesis focuses on Italian public diplomacy, how is created, if it is a part of Italian foregin policy and which are their actors and instruments. At the end of the thesis is an analyse of concrete project of Italian public diplomacy.

Who is 'the public'? The case of the EU's Public Diplomacy in the Eastern Partnership Master's Thesis - Kristin Aldag - Charles University, June 2021 Abstract For states and other international actors such as the European Union, public diplomacy is an important tool to achieve their political and economic interests abroad by communi- cating directly with foreign audiences. While the existing body of academic literature on pub- lic diplomacy is rich, few authors have thus far addressed the question of who actually consti- tutes the public, and which specific target groups can be distinguished. Using the EU PD prac- tices in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) from 2010-2020 as a case study, this thesis will thus attempt to fill this gap and contribute to the academic literature in the field by offering an overview of the various target groups within the European Union's public diplomacy. In a thorough content analysis of relevant primary sources, the thesis focuses on the policy objec- tives and practices of the European Union's outreach to different groups and audiences in the EaP region. The third chapter presents the results of this comprehensive research, which has shown that several distinct groups within the general public in the EaP can be identified, among them young people, media professional and...

In the globalized world, the distribution of power is spread among different types of actors, including non-states. Diasporas in that respect possess an ability to gain actorness. Especially in the frames of ‘soft power’ since the sources of that power is tight to attractiveness. The notion of ‘soft power’ has gained attention from the states globally, and Russia is not left aside. It is activated by the Russian state to pursue its foreign policy goals, especially in the EU states, due to the difficult diplomatic relations as an outcome of the Crimean crisis. Public diplomacy, as a tool of soft power, refers to the communicational process with the foreign public, and the ground resource of it is civil society. The paradox is situated in the target of the Russian state, its diaspora. Rossotrudnichestvo, the main player in the Russian public diplomacy, carries direct responsibilities over compatriot policies. This thesis contributes to an understanding of the aim of Russian public diplomacy towards diaspora. This study utilizes the theoretical frames of ‘soft power’, its tool ‘public diplomacy’, and conjunction with the ‘diaspora’. For the purpose of this study, the Russian interest towards its compatriots is traced through its cultural institution in Brussels (the representative office of Rossotrudnichestvo). The thesis concludes firstly that the aim of Russian public diplomacy is not to construct an attractive image in the eyes of the public abroad but to secure itself. Through the prism of neo-functionalism, Russia identifies national security as a focal point in the construction of foreign policies, which cause institutionalization of its diaspora. Secondly, the research reveals the double behavior of Russia with civil society. While internally, it distances the civil sector from the engagement with the public diplomacy activities, externally, it is actively institutionalizing ‘the insiders of the foreign public’ through the diasporic organizations.

As a theme of study, public diplomacy has been at the margins of International Relations and Diplomatic Studies, despite recent increased academic interest. However, studies largely remain descriptive and within the rationalist/realist approach, creating theoretical shortcomings. Furthermore, in practice, new manifestations referred to as public diplomacy, have entered the field. A recent manifestation, the case of US public diplomacy in the ‘war on terror’ is viewed as being propaganda. This campaign has thus challenged existing ideas on public diplomacy. This study postulates that due to the political and academic dominance of the US, this case will have far-reaching theoretical and practical implications. These theoretical shortcomings and new manifestations pose the main research question: What is public diplomacy? Two sub-questions inform this question: How does the US practice public diplomacy? How does US public diplomacy manifest in the ‘war on terror’? A three-step analysis addresses these questions: firstly, a theoretical analysis of the concept public diplomacy with propaganda serving as a counter-reference; secondly, an empirical analysis of US public diplomacy; and, thirdly, a case study of US public diplomacy in the ‘war on terror’. The case study follows two steps, applying a critical approach to reach beyond rationalist premises. The case study has been restricted to information activities of the principal public diplomacy agents and institutions. The theoretical analysis of public diplomacy indicates that, despite the fact that both practices are foreign policy instruments, and that they have common roots and common dimensions that create a public diplomacy-propaganda nexus, public diplomacy is clearly distinguished from propaganda by its diplomatic essence. The analysis has identified criteria distinguishing public diplomacy and propaganda respectively. The empirical analysis of US public diplomacy indicates that it conforms to the theoretical model. However, US public diplomacy is distinguished by its macro level foreign policy projection of exceptionalism and reliance on military power. The first step of the case study, applying criteria for public diplomacy, has revealed that US public diplomacy in the ‘war on terror’ only partially constitutes public diplomacy. The second step, applying criteria for propaganda, has revealed significant evidence of a propaganda campaign. This study therefore concludes that the information activities in the ‘war on terror’ constitute propaganda more accurately. In the light of the negative socio- and geo-political effects of the ‘war on terror’ in the Middle East, this study proposes that academic analysis clearly demarcates public diplomacy from propaganda by means of the principles of diplomacy, and also that policy makers refrain from propagandistic practices in public diplomacy. / Dissertation (M (Diplomatic Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / M (Diplomatic Studies) / unrestricted

Le recours fréquent à l'expression anglo-saxonne soft power traduit le « moment gramscien » des relations internationales dans lequel l'hégémonie symbolique compterait autant dans la balance des pouvoirs que les déterminants matériels classiques (démographie, armée, économie), (Chaubet, 2013). Dans ce cadre la culture comme mode d'influence deviendrait un enjeu stratégique par l'intervention des politiques de diplomaties d'influence devenu un nouveau champ d'affrontement des états. Dans un contexte où la question de ce qui fait puissance sur la scène internationale est posée et débattue, les politiques internationales de prestige s'envisagent en lien avec l'essor du numérique et l'émergence d'une opinion publique internationale. Ces nouveaux paramètres conduiraient à la mise en place d'une « nouvelle diplomatie culturelle de la France » (Fabius, Filippeti, 2013). Parallèlement l'hypothèse du glissement du « centre de gravité du monde » vers l'Asie, ainsi que l'histoire commune entre la France et le Vietnam, a conduit l'auteur à analyser l'évolution de la diplomatie culturelle/publique de la France dans un processus de redéfinition d'une dynamique d'internationalisation. L'auteur examine le passage d'une logique diplomatique de présence à une logique diplomatique d'influence impliquant la communication. La méthode intègre une analyse de corpus et une enquête sur le terrain (deux ans de présence au Vietnam). / ....