Em 29 de agosto de 2012, foi implementada no Brasil a Lei nº 12.711 que viabiliza a reserva de vagas para afrodescendentes em cursos de graduação, em universidades federais. Isso potencializou diversas discussões e suscitou posicionamentos de aceitação ou de rejeição às chamadas cotas raciais. Essa política afirmativa reflete, diretamente, na configuração do ensino superior nacional; por isso, defendemos que ela deve ser problematizada, na instituição escolar, desde o Ensino Médio, uma vez que os alunos dessa etapa serão os mais afetados, pela lei, no que se refere ao vestibular. Embasados no dispositivo teórico-analítico da Análise do Discurso de linha francesa, formulada por Michel Pêcheux, dialogamos com quatro turmas do terceiro ano do Ensino Médio, de duas escolas da rede pública do Estado de São Paulo e, a partir da leitura de dois textos jornalísticos (A reserva de vagas dá oportunidade aos menos favorecidos frequentarem instituições de qualidade, de Letícia Januário e O grande erro das cotas, de Julia Carvalho) discutimos sobre As cotas raciais em universidades públicas brasileiras. Posteriormente, solicitamos que os sujeitos-alunos escrevessem um texto dissertativo-argumentativo sobre o tema e essa produção escrita constitui o corpus desta pesquisa. Com base nas análises, encontramos dissertações que se posicionam contrariamente às cotas, sustentando-se na afirmação do discurso jurídico, com sentidos parafrásticos, de que todos são iguais perante a lei. Por outro lado, há textos que sustentam que as cotas são necessárias como meio de reparação social devido à escravização dos afrodescendentes. Os resultados apontam que o discurso dominante, em nosso corpus, reverbera sentidos legitimados sobre o passado histórico dos afrodescendentes, ou seja, sentidos que os discursivizam como inferiores e os sujeitos-alunos não apresentaram uma discussão acerca da constituição sócio-histórica da inferioridade atribuída a esse grupo. Isso indica que, pela força da memória discursiva e da ideologia, o afrodescendente ainda é discursivizado em relação à sua (in) capacidade intelectual. / On August 29, 2012 was implemented in Brazil law No. 12.711 which feasibility the reservation of vacancies for afro-descendants in undergraduate courses in federal universities. This enhanced several discussions and raised positionings of acceptance and rejection to so-called racial quotas. This affirmative policy reflects straight in the national higher education setting; for this reason, we argue that it should be problematized in educational institutions since high school, as the students of this stage will be most affected by the law because of vestibular (admittance exam). Grounded in the theoretical and analytical device of Discourse Analysis from French school, raised by Pêcheux, we dialogued with four classes of the third year of high school, in two public schools in the State of São Paulo and by the reading of two journalistic texts (Reserve of vacancies gives opportunity for disadvantaged to attend high quality institutions, by Leticia Januário and The big mistake of quotas, by Julia Carvalho) we discussed about \"Racial quotas in Brazilian public universities. Later, we request the students to write argumentative dissertation texts about the theme, and this writing production is what constitutes the corpus of this research. Based on the analysis, we found dissertations that stand an opposite position to quotas, supporting themselves on the statement of legal discourse, with paraphrases of the meanings that \"all are same before the law.\" On the other hand, there are texts sustaining that quotas are necessary as a means to social repair due to the slavery of afro-descendants. The results point that the dominant discourse in our corpus, reverberates legitimated meanings about the historical past of afro-descendants, in other words, meanings of a discourse about them as inferior beings, and the student subjects did not present a discussion about the social and historical constitution of this inferiority assigned to this group. This indicates that by the strength of discursive memory and ideology the afro-descendants are still in discursively with regard to their intellectual (in) capacity.

Em 29 de agosto de 2012, foi implementada no Brasil a Lei nº 12.711 que viabiliza a reserva de vagas para afrodescendentes em cursos de graduação, em universidades federais. Isso potencializou diversas discussões e suscitou posicionamentos de aceitação ou de rejeição às chamadas cotas raciais. Essa política afirmativa reflete, diretamente, na configuração do ensino superior nacional; por isso, defendemos que ela deve ser problematizada, na instituição escolar, desde o Ensino Médio, uma vez que os alunos dessa etapa serão os mais afetados, pela lei, no que se refere ao vestibular. Embasados no dispositivo teórico-analítico da Análise do Discurso de linha francesa, formulada por Michel Pêcheux, dialogamos com quatro turmas do terceiro ano do Ensino Médio, de duas escolas da rede pública do Estado de São Paulo e, a partir da leitura de dois textos jornalísticos (A reserva de vagas dá oportunidade aos menos favorecidos frequentarem instituições de qualidade, de Letícia Januário e O grande erro das cotas, de Julia Carvalho) discutimos sobre As cotas raciais em universidades públicas brasileiras. Posteriormente, solicitamos que os sujeitos-alunos escrevessem um texto dissertativo-argumentativo sobre o tema e essa produção escrita constitui o corpus desta pesquisa. Com base nas análises, encontramos dissertações que se posicionam contrariamente às cotas, sustentando-se na afirmação do discurso jurídico, com sentidos parafrásticos, de que todos são iguais perante a lei. Por outro lado, há textos que sustentam que as cotas são necessárias como meio de reparação social devido à escravização dos afrodescendentes. Os resultados apontam que o discurso dominante, em nosso corpus, reverbera sentidos legitimados sobre o passado histórico dos afrodescendentes, ou seja, sentidos que os discursivizam como inferiores e os sujeitos-alunos não apresentaram uma discussão acerca da constituição sócio-histórica da inferioridade atribuída a esse grupo. Isso indica que, pela força da memória discursiva e da ideologia, o afrodescendente ainda é discursivizado em relação à sua (in) capacidade intelectual. / On August 29, 2012 was implemented in Brazil law No. 12.711 which feasibility the reservation of vacancies for afro-descendants in undergraduate courses in federal universities. This enhanced several discussions and raised positionings of acceptance and rejection to so-called racial quotas. This affirmative policy reflects straight in the national higher education setting; for this reason, we argue that it should be problematized in educational institutions since high school, as the students of this stage will be most affected by the law because of vestibular (admittance exam). Grounded in the theoretical and analytical device of Discourse Analysis from French school, raised by Pêcheux, we dialogued with four classes of the third year of high school, in two public schools in the State of São Paulo and by the reading of two journalistic texts (Reserve of vacancies gives opportunity for disadvantaged to attend high quality institutions, by Leticia Januário and The big mistake of quotas, by Julia Carvalho) we discussed about \"Racial quotas in Brazilian public universities. Later, we request the students to write argumentative dissertation texts about the theme, and this writing production is what constitutes the corpus of this research. Based on the analysis, we found dissertations that stand an opposite position to quotas, supporting themselves on the statement of legal discourse, with paraphrases of the meanings that \"all are same before the law.\" On the other hand, there are texts sustaining that quotas are necessary as a means to social repair due to the slavery of afro-descendants. The results point that the dominant discourse in our corpus, reverberates legitimated meanings about the historical past of afro-descendants, in other words, meanings of a discourse about them as inferior beings, and the student subjects did not present a discussion about the social and historical constitution of this inferiority assigned to this group. This indicates that by the strength of discursive memory and ideology the afro-descendants are still in discursively with regard to their intellectual (in) capacity.

Ce mémoire rassemble différents travaux sur les quotas d'émissions échangeables. J'ai abordé ce thème en octobre 1999, après avoir étudié l'économie des déchets ménagers lors de mon DEA, puis l'impact sur l'emploi des politiques environnementales dans le cadre de ma thèse de doctorat. A cette époque, l'importance de cette question avait été en quelque sorte consacrée par le Protocole de Kyoto mais celui-ci n'avait encore été ratifié par aucun pays développé et la perspective d'une mise en place de quotas d'émissions échangeables en Europe apparaissait lointaine au vu des critiques alors exprimées à l'encontre de ce mécanisme par de nombreux dirigeants et représentants des parties prenantes en Europe (Hourcade, 2000). Quelques mois plus tard, en février 2000, la Commission européenne (2000) lançait pourtant, à travers un livre Vert, le processus qui allait aboutir en 2005 à la mise en place du premier système de quotas d'émissions échangeables de gaz à effet de serre significatif1 dans le monde. J'ai donc eu l'opportunité de poursuivre une recherche sur un thème en constante évolution, marqué par l'apparition progressive de controverses et par des prises de positions marquées, quoi que parfois évolutives, de la part des différents acteurs impliqués. Dans la rédaction de ce document, j'ai privilégié la cohérence thématique aux dépens de l'exhaustivité. Autrement dit, j'ai laissé de côté celles de mes publications qui ne portent pas sur les quotas d'émission échangeables. Il s'agit en particulier de mes travaux les plus anciens, mais aussi de ceux que j'ai menés sur la variabilité climatique et l'agriculture en Afrique (Blanc et al., 2008, Berg et al., 2009, Leblois et Quirion, 2010, Roudier et al., 2011a, 2011b, Sultan et al., 2009), sur les politiques d'économie d'énergie (Giraudet et Quirion, 2008, Giraudet et al., 2011a, 2011b, Quirion et Hamdi-Cherif, 2007). De même, je n'aborde que rapidement certains travaux sur la compétitivité et les fuites de carbone (Demailly et Quirion, 2006, 2008a, 2008b, Monjon et Quirion, 2010, 2011a, 2011b, Quirion, 2007, 2009). Au contraire des politiques de protection de l'environnement plus traditionnelles (réglementations, taxes, subventions...), les systèmes de quotas d'émission échangeables ont été inventés par des économistes : Crocker (1966), qui discute de leur application à la pollution de l'air, et Dales (1968) qui propose cet instrument pour limiter la pollution de l'eau. Peut-être pour cette raison, ces systèmes ont fait l'objet d'une grande attention de la part des économistes, comme en témoigne l'impressionnante bibliographie établie par Tietenberg (2008), qui comprend plusieurs centaines de références. On pourrait donc penser que la décision de choisir cette politique de limitation des émissions de gaz à effet de serre, plutôt 1 J'écris "significatif" parce que le Danemark et le Royaume-Uni, ainsi que les firmes Shell et BP, avaient lancé auparavant leurs propres systèmes, d'ampleur beaucoup modeste, et qui ont pris fin depuis ; Cf. Boemare et Quirion (2002) pour une présentation comparée de ces systèmes. Voir aussi Convery (2009) pour un historique du processus qui a conduit au système de quotas européen. 6 qu'une taxe en particulier, découle de l'analyse économique, et qu'il en est de même des choix essentiels en matière de mise en oeuvre du système européen de quotas échangeables. La réalité est tout autre. Premièrement, les travaux consacrés par les économistes au choix entre taxes et quotas pour limiter les émissions de gaz à effet de serre concluent très majoritairement en faveur des premières. Deuxièmement, une fois le choix fait en faveur d'un système de quotas échangeables, l'un des éléments clés dans la mise en place de ce système en Europe, à savoir le choix entre un plafond d'émission absolu ou proportionnel à la production, a été décidé indépendamment de toute analyse économique. Troisièmement, bien que la question de la "compétitivité" et celle des "fuites de carbone" aient occupé une place centrale dans les débats sur la mise en oeuvre puis sur la révision du système de quotas européen, la solution retenue (la distribution gratuite de quotas, indépendamment de la production courante mais en lien avec les capacités de production) ne découle pas d'une analyse économique approfondie. Ce document synthétise mes principales contributions à ces trois questions : le choix entre taxe et quotas (chapitre 1), celui entre objectifs d'émission absolus et proportionnels à la production (chapitre 2) et celui de l'arbitrage entre le maintien de la compétitivité, l'efficacité économique et la réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre (chapitre 3). Enfin, dans le chapitre 4, je discute de la manière dont les quotas échangeables de gaz à effet de serre pourraient s'étendre aux pays en développement, en commençant par une approche sectorielle limitée au secteur électrique. Une grande partie de ce mémoire se base sur des travaux publiés : Quirion (2010a) pour la section 1.2, Quirion (2004) pour la section 1.3, Quirion (2005) pour le chapitre 2, Quirion (2010c) pour la section 3.1, Demailly et Quirion (2008d) pour la section 3.2 et Hamdi-Cherif et al. (2011a, 2011b) pour le chapitre 4.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-125).

Title:              Gender Differences Within Academia – A case study on the probability of promotion Institution:    School of Business and Economics University:     Linnæus University   Aim:               The aim of this thesis is to investigate whether there are differences between men and women in the probability of receiving a promotion and if this is caused by statistical discrimination. Further discussing if quotas are a solution to this bias.   Method:         This thesis will attempt to answer the research questions using primary data and testing this in a Linear Probability Model. It will also relate to previous research comparing the outcome to it with support from existing theory.   Conclusion:   The four regressions used in the Linear Probability Model, show that there exists differences in the probability of receiving a promotion between men and women. The results both infirm and confirm previous studies, but it is not possible from the research to distinguish if statistical discrimination is the underlying reason, though it might be an explanation to why there are differences. Quotas might be one answer to solve this bias, but further research is necessary.       Keywords:     Gender, differences, quotas, probability, promotion, Academia

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2000. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-250). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2000. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-250). Also available on the Internet.

This thesis consists of three essays. The first essay, "Press and Leaks: Do Newspapers Reduce Toxic Emissions?", uses data on plant-level emissions in 2001-2009 from the Toxic Release Inventory of the US Environmental Protection Agency, coupled with data on location and content of newspapers, to investigate whether media coverage induces firms to reduce toxic emissions. The results show that an increase in Newspapers Density, that is the number of newspapers nearby the plant, raises the press coverage of the plant's toxic emissions and reduces the amount of these emissions. This association is larger in industries exposed to consumer pressure and in counties subjected to extreme negative health outcomes. The second essay, "Gender Quotas, Female Politicians and Public Expenditures: Quasi-Experimental Evidence", estimates the effect of gender quotas on the election of female politicians and on public finance decisions in Spanish municipalities, using a Before-After Regression Discontinuity Design. Gender quotas have increased the percentage of female candidates and also, but to a lower extent, the percentage of female councilors. The difference between the two effects is due to the strategic positioning of candidates within lists. The effect of quotas on the election of female mayors and on the size and composition of municipal expenditures is not statistically different from zero. The third essay, "Are attitudes endogenous to political regimes? Beliefs about working women in state-socialist countries", studies whether individual beliefs about gender roles are endogenous to political regimes, using a Difference-in-Differences analysis. The results suggest a significant difference in the evolution of attitudes towards gender roles between Europeans in state-socialist countries and other Europeans during the period 1947-1991. Central and Eastern Europeans who formed their attitudes during state socialism seem more likely to hold progressive beliefs regarding working women.

The European Union has been working to promote equality between women and men for a long time. Despite this, Sweden still have a gender segregated labor market where men generally has the leading positions. According to European law the member states shall promote gender equality and to take all appropriate measures. Statutory gender quotas for company boards is one such measure that some of the European member states have implemented in national law. The Swedish law has no provisions governing gender quotas and therefore the purpose of this study is to explain how gender quotas for company boards relate to current law, both of European law and national legislation. After examining the legal situation I am also referring to examine however an extent eventual legislation is possible, with the principle of non-discrimination in consideration. The main goal of Swedish gender equality policy is that women and men should have the same power to shape society and their own lives. There should be just as much power and similar power resources between women and men. The government argued that a change must be made regarding the structural power relations between men and women, where women as a group are still subordinate to men. It is found that women more generally occupies subordinate positions in society. This is something that has its origin from the past. The question is whether the statutory quotas are the correct action to take to fulfill this target objective.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1998. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 249-260). Also available on the Internet.