Nesta dissertação são abordados os antecedentes, as realizações, as perspectivas e os desafios para a consolidação do Conselho Sul Americano de Defesa (CSD). O trabalho é um estudo de caso, de natureza descritiva, baseado na Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança. Com o fim da bipolaridade houve um movimento para a atualização e a ampliação dos estudos de segurança internacional, pois as teorias e métodos vigentes se revelaram inábeis para explicar a nova realidade. Esse movimento também aconteceu na América do Sul. Diante da perda de legitimidade das instituições de defesa e de segurança continentais, como o Tratado Interamericano de Defesa Recíproca (TIAR) e a Junta Interamericana de Defesa (JID); e da progressiva diminuição do engajamento dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) em assuntos de outras regiões, em dezembro de 2008, foi criado o CSD, para tratar dos temas de defesa da região. Durante os seus dois primeiros anos de funcionamento, o CSD logrou diversas realizações como o estabelecimento de um mecanismo de confiança mútua e a criação de um centro de estudos estratégicos em defesa e segurança. Entretanto, a estratégia de se integrar por um mínimo denominador comum pode comprometer o futuro da integração. Para se consolidar o CSD enfrentará diversos desafios. Nesse trabalho são analisados dois deles: o aumento substancial dos gastos em defesa pelos países da região e a relação assimétrica entre os EUA e os países da América do Sul e seus reflexos na integração em defesa. / This dissertation examines the history, achievements, prospects and challenges for the consolidation of South American Defense Council (CSD). This work is a case study, descriptive in nature, based on the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT). With the end of bipolarity it began a movement for the upgrade and expansion of international security studies, because the existing theories and methods have proved inappropriate to explain the new reality. This movement also happened in South America. Due to the loss of legitimacy of the institutions of continental defense and security, as the Rio Treaty and the Inter-American Defense Board (IADB), and the gradual reduction of United States of America (USA) engagement in the affairs of other regions in December 2008 was created the CSD, to deal with defense issues in the region. During its first two years of operation, the CSD has managed several accomplishments such as establishing a mechanism of mutual trust and creating a center of strategic studies in defense and security. However, the strategy to integrate for a minimum common denominator may jeopardize the future of integration. In its consolidation, the CSD will face many challenges. This work analyzes two of them: the substantial increase in defense spending by countries in the region and the asymmetric relationship between the USA and the countries of South America and its impacts on integration in defense.

This doctoral thesis aims to provide a comprehensive and historical analysis of foreign policy behaviour of the principal states involved in nuclear talks on North Korea known as the Six-Party Talks (SPT). Despite the failure in achieving a primary objective of denuclearizing North Korea, the SPT were believed to provide interesting and informative cases to investigate dynamic interactions among states engaged in security talks with different motives and interests. For a holistic approach to foreign policy analysis, the thesis adopts a newly introduced theoretical framework called Interactionist Role Theory (IRT) which integrates the levels of analysis from individuals to international system by incorporating the concept of ‘roles’. Based on IRT, the thesis examines what drove the concerned states’ foreign policy shifts; what kinds of discrepancies the states experienced between or among competing roles (role conflicts); how successful their deliberate policy implementations were (role-makings); and what structural effects their foreign policy decisions had on the overall Six-Party Talks process. The thesis findings support the IRT premise that it is critical to understand a state’s perceived ideal roles to accurately identify the state’s motives for actions regarding particular foreign policy issues. The prevalence of inter-role conflicts at the time of states’ role-makings evinces that the SPT as social constraints did exert competing role expectations that challenged the member states’ role conceptions. Above all, the sequential analysis of the SPT process clearly shows the mutual influence between the member states (agents) and the SPT (social structure), which implies successful multilateral negotiations require reciprocal relations among participating states where all parties’ desired roles (role conceptions) are mutually verified and affirmed. The thesis is deemed to give insightful messages to conventional foreign policy readings that predominantly view the nuclear drama in the Northeast Asia region from a binary focus of US-DPRK mutual deterrence.

Nesta dissertação são abordados os antecedentes, as realizações, as perspectivas e os desafios para a consolidação do Conselho Sul Americano de Defesa (CSD). O trabalho é um estudo de caso, de natureza descritiva, baseado na Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança. Com o fim da bipolaridade houve um movimento para a atualização e a ampliação dos estudos de segurança internacional, pois as teorias e métodos vigentes se revelaram inábeis para explicar a nova realidade. Esse movimento também aconteceu na América do Sul. Diante da perda de legitimidade das instituições de defesa e de segurança continentais, como o Tratado Interamericano de Defesa Recíproca (TIAR) e a Junta Interamericana de Defesa (JID); e da progressiva diminuição do engajamento dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) em assuntos de outras regiões, em dezembro de 2008, foi criado o CSD, para tratar dos temas de defesa da região. Durante os seus dois primeiros anos de funcionamento, o CSD logrou diversas realizações como o estabelecimento de um mecanismo de confiança mútua e a criação de um centro de estudos estratégicos em defesa e segurança. Entretanto, a estratégia de se integrar por um mínimo denominador comum pode comprometer o futuro da integração. Para se consolidar o CSD enfrentará diversos desafios. Nesse trabalho são analisados dois deles: o aumento substancial dos gastos em defesa pelos países da região e a relação assimétrica entre os EUA e os países da América do Sul e seus reflexos na integração em defesa. / This dissertation examines the history, achievements, prospects and challenges for the consolidation of South American Defense Council (CSD). This work is a case study, descriptive in nature, based on the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT). With the end of bipolarity it began a movement for the upgrade and expansion of international security studies, because the existing theories and methods have proved inappropriate to explain the new reality. This movement also happened in South America. Due to the loss of legitimacy of the institutions of continental defense and security, as the Rio Treaty and the Inter-American Defense Board (IADB), and the gradual reduction of United States of America (USA) engagement in the affairs of other regions in December 2008 was created the CSD, to deal with defense issues in the region. During its first two years of operation, the CSD has managed several accomplishments such as establishing a mechanism of mutual trust and creating a center of strategic studies in defense and security. However, the strategy to integrate for a minimum common denominator may jeopardize the future of integration. In its consolidation, the CSD will face many challenges. This work analyzes two of them: the substantial increase in defense spending by countries in the region and the asymmetric relationship between the USA and the countries of South America and its impacts on integration in defense.

Por meio de tradicionais e novos conceitos da Geopolítica, são analisadas as especiais circunstâncias que cercaram as relações entre a Argentina e os principais países do mundo desenvolvido, os EUA e parte da Europa, durante a Guerra das Malvinas, para, a partir desse mesmo ferramental conceitual, verificar como esse episódio teve seu impacto nas relações de Brasil e Argentina na América do Sul. Os principais acontecimentos políticos, táticos e logísticos desse conflito são descritos para auxiliar nessa análise feita. A partir desse ponto de inflexão na história sul-americana, utiliza-se o conceito de Medidas de Confiança Mútua (MCM) para se verificar como as Marinhas de Brasil e Argentina intensificaram suas relações dentro do novo marco geopolítico acordado entre os dois países. São descritos os sucessos dessa política de aproximação em cinco fases históricas distintas, didaticamente elaboradas: duas anteriores à própria Guerra das Malvinas, e três posteriores. Destacam-se, neste estudo, justamente, as três últimas fases. Ou seja, a terceira fase, após a Guerra das Malvinas, onde são descritos, dentre outros aspectos, os encontros estratégicos organizados pelo EMFA (Brasil) e pelo EMCFA (Argentina) no final da década de 80 do século passado; a quarta fase, ao longo da década de 90, por ter sido o período em que as principais MCM de sucesso ocorreram; e a quinta fase, já na virada do milênio, onde são discutidos os limites atuais das MCM que vêm sendo adotadas e as possíveis perspectivas futuras. A primeira e a segunda fases situam-se ainda nos períodos iniciais e intermediários da Guerra Fria, mas, por já existirem ali algumas MCM embrionárias entre as Marinhas de Brasil e Argentina, importantes para desdobramentos futuros, estas fases têm também discutidas as suas importâncias históricas. Enfatiza-se que, na primeira fase, os principais episódios ocorreram sob grande influência dos EUA, enquanto, na segunda fase, já se constatava uma ligeira autonomia regional nas medidas adotadas. / There are analyzede, by means of traditional and new concepts of geopolitics, the special circumstances that surrounded the relations between Argentina and the main developed countries, the United States and part of Europe, during the Malvinas War, in order to, based on such conceptual tool, exam, how such episode impacted the Brazil-Argentina relations on South America. The main political, tactic and logistic events are described to help with the analysis. As of this turning point in the South-American history, it is used the concept of Mutual Confidence Measures (MCM) to verify how the Brazilian and Argentinean Navies intensified their relations in the new giopolitics milestone agreed upon between both countries. There are described the successful events in such approaching policy and politics in five different phases, didactically worked out: two prior to the Malvinas War and three afterwards. This study high lights precisely the three last phases, i.e., the phases after the Malvinas War. In the third phase, there are described, among other aspects, the strategic meetings organized by the EMFA (Brazil) and the EMCFA (Argentina) at the end of the 1980s; in the forth phase, are highly emphasized the 1990s since this is the period during which most of the MCM succeeded; and, in the fifth phase, already at the turning of the millennium, the current limits of the MCM, that are being adopted, are discussed, as well as the possible perspectives for the future. The first and second phases are the ones still during the beginning and intermediate periods of the Cold War. These phases are also discussed because they already presented some embryonic MCM policies between the Brazilian and Argentinean Navies, important for the way the events unfolded later on. In the first phase, there are stressed the main episodes that took place under the influence of the US, while, in the second, one can already notice a slight regional autonomy in the measures adopted.

Submitted by LIVIA PERES MILANI null (liviamilani@hotmail.com) on 2016-02-29T12:00:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lívia Peres Milani - Dissertação.pdf: 2231262 bytes, checksum: e5ba09ecbe64b5a60733973ce4afde88 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-02-29T17:18:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 milani_lp_me_sp.pdf: 2231262 bytes, checksum: e5ba09ecbe64b5a60733973ce4afde88 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-29T17:18:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 milani_lp_me_sp.pdf: 2231262 bytes, checksum: e5ba09ecbe64b5a60733973ce4afde88 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A dissertação tem como tema a concepção de identidade nacional e cooperação regional em Defesa dos governos de Argentina e Brasil durante o período de 2003 a 2010. O objetivo geral é analisar como os governos relacionaram a dimensão regional com a identidade nacional, na àrea de Defesa. Para tanto, buscou-se identificar se os governos de Lula e Kirchner provocaram mudanças nas representações identitárias de Argentina e Brasil com a incorporação de uma dimensão regional, como ambos os governos definiram a relação recíproca, se houve formação de novas narrativas e quais políticas foram propostas para a América do Sul. Buscou-se ainda analisar como os dois países atuaram em âmbito regional, na construção e consolidação da Unasul e do Conselho de Defesa Sul-americano (CDS), e com relação às principais crises regionais do período. A metodologia baseou-se na análise dos documentos normativos em Defesa e de pronunciamentos de representantes de Argentina e Brasil, assim como no mapeamento de suas ações durante o período. Foi necessário também contextualizar historicamente as interações recíprocas e de cada país com a América do Sul. Conclui-se que tanto no caso do Brasil como no da Argentina, a identidade nacional foi combinada com a noção de coletividade em âmbito regional, a qual se aprofundou durante o período de 2003 a 2010. Contudo, a representação coletiva continua a ser frágil e, tanto no caso do Brasil como no da Argentina, a dimensão nacional prevalece de maneira clara sobre a regional. / The main subject of the present work is Argentina and Brazil governments’ conception of national identity and regional cooperation in the period between 2003 and 2010. The main objective was to analyze in which ways the governments related the regional dimension and the national one, with emphasis in Defense cooperation. Therefore, it was intended to analyze if these governments have provoked changes in the identity representations of Brasil and Argentina, with influences in each country perception of South America, how the reciprocal relationship was defined, if there was formulated new narratives and which policies were proposed for South America. It was analyzed as well how the two countries acted in the region, in de South Defense Council (SDC) formulation and in the main regional crisis that occurred in that period. The methodology was based in documental analysis of Brazil and Argentina representatives’ pronouncements, normative defense documents and in its actions during the period. It was also necessary to contextualize historically the reciprocal interactions and the relations of each country with South America. The conclusion is that in Brazil and also in Argentina, national identity was combined with a conception of regional collectivity. Nevertheless, the collective representation remains fragile, in spite of the developments in the period between 2003 and 2010, and the national dimension prevails strongly. / El tema de la tesis de maestría es la concepción de identidad nacional y cooperación regional en Defensa de los gobiernos de Brasil y Argentina durante el período desde 2003 hasta 2010. El principal objetivo es analizar de qué manera los gobiernos relacionaron la dimensión regional con la nacional, con énfasis en el área de Defensa. Para eso, se buscó identificar si los gobiernos de Lula y Kirchner llevaron a cambios en las representaciones de identidad de Brasil y Argentina con la incorporación de una identidad regional, si hubo la formación de nuevas narrativas y cuáles fueron las políticas propuestas para la región sudamericana. Además, se buscó analizar como los dos países actuaron en el espacio regional, en la construcción e instalación del Consejo de Defensa suramericano (CDS) y en las crisis regionales que han sucedido en el período. La metodología fue basada en análisis documental de pronunciamientos de representantes de Brasil y Argentina, de documentos normativos de Defensa y también en sus acciones en el período. También fue necesario presentar la historia de las relaciones bilaterales y las maneras como los dos se han inserido en Sudamérica. La conclusión es que en Brasil y en Argentina, la identidad nacional fue combinada con una noción de colectividad en el ámbito regional, que se profundizó en el período de 2003 a 2010. No obstante, la representación colectiva es frágil y en Brasil y Argentina, la dimensión nacional prevalece sobre la regional.

Por meio de tradicionais e novos conceitos da Geopolítica, são analisadas as especiais circunstâncias que cercaram as relações entre a Argentina e os principais países do mundo desenvolvido, os EUA e parte da Europa, durante a Guerra das Malvinas, para, a partir desse mesmo ferramental conceitual, verificar como esse episódio teve seu impacto nas relações de Brasil e Argentina na América do Sul. Os principais acontecimentos políticos, táticos e logísticos desse conflito são descritos para auxiliar nessa análise feita. A partir desse ponto de inflexão na história sul-americana, utiliza-se o conceito de Medidas de Confiança Mútua (MCM) para se verificar como as Marinhas de Brasil e Argentina intensificaram suas relações dentro do novo marco geopolítico acordado entre os dois países. São descritos os sucessos dessa política de aproximação em cinco fases históricas distintas, didaticamente elaboradas: duas anteriores à própria Guerra das Malvinas, e três posteriores. Destacam-se, neste estudo, justamente, as três últimas fases. Ou seja, a terceira fase, após a Guerra das Malvinas, onde são descritos, dentre outros aspectos, os encontros estratégicos organizados pelo EMFA (Brasil) e pelo EMCFA (Argentina) no final da década de 80 do século passado; a quarta fase, ao longo da década de 90, por ter sido o período em que as principais MCM de sucesso ocorreram; e a quinta fase, já na virada do milênio, onde são discutidos os limites atuais das MCM que vêm sendo adotadas e as possíveis perspectivas futuras. A primeira e a segunda fases situam-se ainda nos períodos iniciais e intermediários da Guerra Fria, mas, por já existirem ali algumas MCM embrionárias entre as Marinhas de Brasil e Argentina, importantes para desdobramentos futuros, estas fases têm também discutidas as suas importâncias históricas. Enfatiza-se que, na primeira fase, os principais episódios ocorreram sob grande influência dos EUA, enquanto, na segunda fase, já se constatava uma ligeira autonomia regional nas medidas adotadas. / There are analyzede, by means of traditional and new concepts of geopolitics, the special circumstances that surrounded the relations between Argentina and the main developed countries, the United States and part of Europe, during the Malvinas War, in order to, based on such conceptual tool, exam, how such episode impacted the Brazil-Argentina relations on South America. The main political, tactic and logistic events are described to help with the analysis. As of this turning point in the South-American history, it is used the concept of Mutual Confidence Measures (MCM) to verify how the Brazilian and Argentinean Navies intensified their relations in the new giopolitics milestone agreed upon between both countries. There are described the successful events in such approaching policy and politics in five different phases, didactically worked out: two prior to the Malvinas War and three afterwards. This study high lights precisely the three last phases, i.e., the phases after the Malvinas War. In the third phase, there are described, among other aspects, the strategic meetings organized by the EMFA (Brazil) and the EMCFA (Argentina) at the end of the 1980s; in the forth phase, are highly emphasized the 1990s since this is the period during which most of the MCM succeeded; and, in the fifth phase, already at the turning of the millennium, the current limits of the MCM, that are being adopted, are discussed, as well as the possible perspectives for the future. The first and second phases are the ones still during the beginning and intermediate periods of the Cold War. These phases are also discussed because they already presented some embryonic MCM policies between the Brazilian and Argentinean Navies, important for the way the events unfolded later on. In the first phase, there are stressed the main episodes that took place under the influence of the US, while, in the second, one can already notice a slight regional autonomy in the measures adopted.

Nesta dissertação são abordados os antecedentes, as realizações, as perspectivas e os desafios para a consolidação do Conselho Sul Americano de Defesa (CSD). O trabalho é um estudo de caso, de natureza descritiva, baseado na Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança. Com o fim da bipolaridade houve um movimento para a atualização e a ampliação dos estudos de segurança internacional, pois as teorias e métodos vigentes se revelaram inábeis para explicar a nova realidade. Esse movimento também aconteceu na América do Sul. Diante da perda de legitimidade das instituições de defesa e de segurança continentais, como o Tratado Interamericano de Defesa Recíproca (TIAR) e a Junta Interamericana de Defesa (JID); e da progressiva diminuição do engajamento dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) em assuntos de outras regiões, em dezembro de 2008, foi criado o CSD, para tratar dos temas de defesa da região. Durante os seus dois primeiros anos de funcionamento, o CSD logrou diversas realizações como o estabelecimento de um mecanismo de confiança mútua e a criação de um centro de estudos estratégicos em defesa e segurança. Entretanto, a estratégia de se integrar por um mínimo denominador comum pode comprometer o futuro da integração. Para se consolidar o CSD enfrentará diversos desafios. Nesse trabalho são analisados dois deles: o aumento substancial dos gastos em defesa pelos países da região e a relação assimétrica entre os EUA e os países da América do Sul e seus reflexos na integração em defesa. / This dissertation examines the history, achievements, prospects and challenges for the consolidation of South American Defense Council (CSD). This work is a case study, descriptive in nature, based on the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT). With the end of bipolarity it began a movement for the upgrade and expansion of international security studies, because the existing theories and methods have proved inappropriate to explain the new reality. This movement also happened in South America. Due to the loss of legitimacy of the institutions of continental defense and security, as the Rio Treaty and the Inter-American Defense Board (IADB), and the gradual reduction of United States of America (USA) engagement in the affairs of other regions in December 2008 was created the CSD, to deal with defense issues in the region. During its first two years of operation, the CSD has managed several accomplishments such as establishing a mechanism of mutual trust and creating a center of strategic studies in defense and security. However, the strategy to integrate for a minimum common denominator may jeopardize the future of integration. In its consolidation, the CSD will face many challenges. This work analyzes two of them: the substantial increase in defense spending by countries in the region and the asymmetric relationship between the USA and the countries of South America and its impacts on integration in defense.

This study is conducted with the purpose to unfold hidden sides of the EU – Russian energy cooperation and to shed a light on possible reasons for existing problems that have rarely been voiced before. This study provides an alternative view on the role of the Baltic Sea region in the overall EU – Russian energy dialogue and its current situation. In this research the historical observation of the energy interdependence regime development is examined and the crucial turning points in the energy interdependence like the EU enlargement 2004, the gas cut offs 2006 and 2009, and crises 2014 are reconsidered. The energy security policies of the EU and Russia are analyzed by adopting the realist approach and applied to the case of the Baltic Sea region. Furthermore, based on the regional complex security theory and interdependence theory, the way how interstate gas relations in the Baltic Sea region affect the EU – Russian interdependence is discussed.

Boko Haram est un groupe terroriste dont l’épicentre se situe au nord du Nigéria. Ce groupe qui avait au départ comme activité la dénonciation des tares de la société nigériane a plongé dans actions de terrorisme à partir de 2009 suite à la répression militaire de l’armée nigériane. Face à la difficulté du Nigéria de contenir Boko Haram, ce groupe s’est régionalisé, faisant ainsi ressortir les problèmes de coopération sécuritaire régionale dans le Bassin du Lac Tchad et au-delà. Malgré l’application de ces mécanismes régionaux de sécurité, Boko Haram a continué ses activités avec un bilan lourd : plus de 30 000 morts en sept années de conflit armé, plus 1.5 million de réfugiés et déplacés, 4.2 millions de personnes en situation d’insécurité alimentaire et sanitaire. Ceci nous amène à qualifier Boko Haram comme étant un des groupes terroristes islamistes les plus féroces des temps contemporains. En s’appuyant sur des ressources documentaires, ce mémoire vise à expliquer pourquoi les mécanismes régionaux de sécurité n’ont pas permis d’endiguer la menace Boko Haram. Ma démonstration se base sur deux arguments : tout d’abord, l’absence de leadership dans la lutte contre Boko Haram, manifesté par l’attitude du Nigéria au niveau régional et le manque d’intérêt du Tchad, a causé une difficulté d’alliance régionale. Le second argument stipule que la multiplication des organisations régionales dans le Bassin du Lac Tchad a créé des difficultés de coordination entre elles et des problèmes de monopole institutionnel empêchant à ces organisations d’agir efficacement contre le groupe terroriste Boko Haram. / Boko Haram is a terrorist group from northern Nigeria. This group promoting the application of Sharia in northern Nigeria, became a terrorist group in 2009 after military repression by the Nigerian state. With the inability of the Nigerian army to contain this terrorist threat, Boko Haram increased its activities around the Lake Chad Basin and beyond. During several years of Boko Haram's atrocities, one of the most important problems comes from the failure of regional security mechanisms to stem this group. Despite the implementation of these regional security mechanisms, Boko Haram remains a serious threat that has taken a heavy toll: more than 20,000 deaths in seven years of armed conflict, more than 1.5 million refugees and displaced persons, 4.2 million facing health problems and food insecurity. This leads us to consider Boko Haram one of the most ferocious Islamist terrorist groups in modern times. Using resources such as books, scientific articles, newspapers, governments and NGO reports and documents published by international organizations, this thesis seeks to explain why the regional security mechanisms failed to contain Boko Haram. I focus on two arguments: first, the lack of leadership in the fight against Boko Haram, manifested by Nigeria's regional attitude and the lack of interest of Chad, led to the failure of collective action against the Boko Haram phenomenon. Then, the second argument states that the multiplication of regional organizations in the Lake Chad Basin created difficulties of coordination between them and problems of institutional monopoly, preventing these organizations from acting effectively against the terrorist group Boko Haram.

This work will try to analyse, if a project of Nort-South gas corridor is a really effective solution for EU and if this project really supports an effort to achieve a common energy security of EU. Work is based on hypothesis that natural gas and significant difference between member states of EU in dependence on Russian gas are the main problems which complicate efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU. Project, which could support efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU must be a project which could assure a diversification of gas routes and diversification of gas sources without weakening of energy security of any of EU member states. This work will try to analyse if existing gas projects (North Stream, South Stream, Nabucco and North- South gas corridor are really realistic projects which meet energy needs of member states of EU and long-term policy of EU. This work will try to prove, that North- South gas corridor is f the project, which really brings diversification of gas sources and gas routes and existence of this project will have also positive influence on efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU.