This thesis addresses the gap in the literature of the Gulf Cooperation Council and its distinct relations with the European Union by identifying the obstacles preventing the development of GCC–EU interregionalism, in two case studies: energy security and economic cooperation in the Mediterranean. By bringing an empirical application of interregionalism to the study of GCC–EU relations, the thesis draws an original comparison that is based on a Hettne and Söderbaum typology of regionness (2000) to determine the GCC’s and the EU’s types, levels of actorness and the subsequent type of interregionalism resulting from the interaction between their kinds. The theoretical construct of the thesis underlines interregionalism as a tool for consolidating the organisations’ identities and actorness and increasing their capacities at exerting influence within the changing dynamics in the regional and global theatres. In addition, this thesis sheds light on the obstacles that impede the development of interregional cooperation and the mechanism to overcome them. As such, the thesis considers the dynamics instigating the renewed interest in deepening GCC–EU interregional relations; outlines the tools available at the GCC and the EU, and highlights the implications of the Arab Spring and GCC–Asia ties on GCC–EU relations. By avoiding benchmarking the EU as a model, the thesis purports that cooperation in energy security is ongoing and is opening avenues for promising partnerships in renewables, energy sustainability and efficiency. On the other hand, the divergence in the organisations’ levels of actorness, economic strategies and the unwillingness to assess policies are major hindrances against a successful partnership in the Mediterranean. Asymmetries in actorness, bilateralism, the American influence and the growing GCC–Asia ties do impact the development of the relations; albeit, they do not impede the multilateral framework from producing unintended outcomes in other areas of the relations.

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Examining Canada and Britain from 1990 to 2004, the thesis explores how the surge in minority nationalist agitation that occurred in Quebec and Scotland changed the political environment in Canada (outside Quebec) and England allowing regional elites to advance political agendas which mobilized regional and national identities. The thesis considers the role of democratic institutions at the regional level in shaping political demands through a comparative study of regional and national identity mobilization in Nova Scotia and the North East of England. The analysis contends that the relationship between minority and majority nations is dialectical; nationalism stems from fundamentally different interpretations of the state and is not the ‘fault’ of either nation. Using this claim as the basis for analyzing elite debate at the centre and in the regions, the dissertation systematically examines regionalism within the majority nation by investigating debates at the national and regional level. The work looks at parliamentary debates, campaign material, newspaper accounts and elite interviews; and as identity mobilization and political debates are targeted at the electorate, survey analysis is undertaken to see whether elite debate resonated with the masses. The thesis demonstrates that regionalism is a component of the ongoing (re)conception of nation within the majority nation, and that during periods of strong minority nationalist agitation, a political environment is created which allows elites in the majority nation to mobilize national and regional identities. Regional identity mobilization is shown to be part of the nationalism of the majority nation; as the dominant conception of the state within the majority encompasses the minority nations as co-nationals and equal citizens, regional elites are able to use the minority nations as examples of successful agitation without subscribing to their interpretations of the state. Regional levels of democracy did not alter the nature of regionalism in either state and though the demands issued may have been different, the underlying concerns were the same: a lack of voice and efficacy.

Syftet med denna uppsats är undersöka om och i så fall hur demokratiska värden kommer till utryck i debatten kring storregionfrågan på den regionala nivån, jämföra skillnader och likheter i debatten i två län för att skapa en bredare bild om hur demokrati diskuteras samt redogöra för vilka politiska frågor som återfinns i debatten. Detta för att utmana idén om demokratins roll i den nya regionalismen.Studien som har genomförts använder sig av en kvalitativ textanalys för att kunna besvara syftet och det teoretiska ramverk som ligger till grund för studien består av drivkrafter bakom ny regionalism samt demokratiska värden. Analysen har gjorts utifrån tidningsartiklar från Hallands och Dalarnas län. Först presenteras vilka politiska frågor som kunnat noteras i de två regionala debatterna. Därefter analyseras vilka demokratiska värden som har framkommit i debatten och i de politiska frågor som diskuterats. Avslutningsvis sammanfattas analysen i en diskussion där likheter och skillnader av debatterna i de två länen diskuterades.Resultatet av studien visar att det framförallt finns nio olika politiska frågor som diskuterats i de två länen. Dessa är demokrati, identitet, sjukvård, effektivitet, storlek, utmaningar, utveckling, ekonomi och infrastruktur. Det framgår också att demokrati är en av de politiska frågorna som diskuterats och diskuteras allra mest i båda länen samt att det går att utläsa demokratiska värden såsom ansvarsutkrävande, deltagande, inflytande och politisk jämlikhet i de andra kategorierna. Den främsta likheten mellan de två länen är att funnits en tyngdpunkt mot demokrati och demokratiska värden som debatterats mycket, medan den största skillnaden var i vilka politiska frågor som diskuterats och hur . I slutändan pekar denna studie på att demokrati inom storregionerna varit föremål för omfattande diskutionerpå regional nivå trots tidigare forsknings mening att demokratins roll i frågan är liten. Det är tydligt att det fortfarande finns en oro kring hur demokratin kommer påverkas av de nya regionerna och frågan ska inte undervärderas.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. / This thesis examines the origins and implications of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) established in 2001 by China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. It analyzes the organization from the Chinese, Russian, and Central Asian states' perspective. Chinese and Russian motives for creating the SCO appear to have been threefold. First, both sought an organization dedicated to providing security and stability to the Central Asian region. Second, both wished to foster stronger economic ties with the oil and natural gas-rich former Soviet republics. Finally, both favored stemming the influence of external powers, notably the United States. The Central Asian states' motives for joining the SCO emanate from security and economic needs. The increase in the U.S. military presence in the region since October 2001 has drawn no response from the SCO. Although some Russian politicians and military officers have criticized it, the governments of China and Russia seam to realize that the U.S. presence may help bring stability to the Central Asian region. Many uncertainties burden the SCO's future. It may constitute another failed attempt to establish a security alliance or turn into a significant voice in international politics, especially with the inclusion of additional members. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

In the work on the example of Shanghai Cooperative Organization we try to discover what impact execute globalization and regional integration on the world policy, how such associations promote the economic environment of the involved countries and what benefits could be obtained through such cooperation in the view of safety. Region of Central Asia has its peculiarities because of the differences in culture, mentality and economic development that should be taken into consideration at planning of the joint activities. The potential of SCO is defined, first of all, by participation in it of such countries as Russia and China. Both of these states are interested in stable political and economic development of the Eurasian region, and ensuring its safety.

Thesis advisor: Prasannan Parthasarathi / After Indian independence in 1947, longstanding regional movements centered on language pushed forward the demands for the reorganization of the British state structure along linguistic lines. One of the most vocal regional movements in the 1950s was the Samyukta Maharashtra, or United Maharashtra movement. This dissertation argues that the development of sound films, or talkies as they were popularly described, were critical for the creation of Marathi regional political movements. In 1932 the Prabhat Film Company released the first Marathi talkie, Ayodhyecha Raja. For the next three decades, with a lull during World War II, Marathi filmmakers released films that put forward a vision of the Marathi speakers as a people, connected to the land of Maharashtra. Films, by reaching the sizable illiterate population of the region, were a powerful political medium. This dissertation takes an interdisciplinary approach, drawing upon the methodologies of history, anthropology, and film studies. Historians of twentieth century India have not used film extensively, yet it is a cultural medium that has important social and political ramifications. Given the lack of historical research carried out on films in South Asia, I use various methods to shed light on the formation of a Marathi regional consciousness. Between 1930 and 1960, Marathi regional consciousness shifted from an elite literary sphere to a popular sphere. A Marathi consciousness, which was once largely the terrain of the intellectual elite, became, through the medium of film, the possession of a broad Marathi public. This study uses popular culture to examine the region’s social and political history during one of the most politically tumultuous times of the twentieth century. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

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The dissertation focuses on the Vietnamese economy and its development during the time period from the end of the World War II until present. Its objective is to map and analyze the process of integration of Vietnam into the regional and global economic structures in the aforementioned time period and identify the main challenges of current Vietnamese economic development. The issues of deficient infrastructure, energy shortage and environmental pollution can all hinder further economic development in terms of trade and investment absorption capacity. Although many other developing countries face similar problems, in Vietnam the conditions had been aggravated by more than 30 years of war, socialist planned economy, division of the territory and long lasting economic isolation all resulting in inefficiencies in use of resources, division of labor and environmental devastation. Nevertheless, Vietnam skillfully uses the newly acquired regional network within the Association of South East Asian Nations as well as the advantages of deepening relationships with the economic centers in Europe and North America to further enhance trade, attract investment and raise development aid. With its outstanding record of high economic growth and dynamic development, Vietnam has proved the ability to employ its resources and comparative advantages to the full.