À rebours des théories de la mondialisation comme dispositif déterritorialisé, la communauté rastafari de Ouagadougou revendique une identité afrocentrée qu’elle adapte à sa situation africaine. Réclamant haut et fort son identité burkinabè à travers notamment le rappel mémoriel d’une figure politique locale, littéralement iconique, celle de Thomas Sankara, en même temps que son identité africaine mythique construite à partir de la cosmologie rastafari, cette communauté incarne pourtant l’hybridité et la fluidité propres aux définitions de la mondialisation. Construite en opposition à Babylone, le monde des Blancs, l’identité rastafari, née en Jamaïque, émerge aujourd’hui en Afrique. Cette identité, à la fois afrocentrée et transnationale, instaure un rapport complexe aux Occidentaux, qui représentent la Babylone (les « Forces du Mal » dans la Bible) des rasta, étant donné l’importance que revêtent les rencontres avec ceux-ci dans le mode de vie des rasta à Ouagadougou, rencontres prises dans ce que les rasta appellent le « système nassara » (« système blanc »). C’est alors la notion d’ambivalence qui apparaît comme une ressource intéressante pour analyser les négociations entreprises par les rasta burkinabè dans la formation de leur identité, identité souvent accusée soit d’absolutisme racial, soit, au contraire, d’ « occidentalisation ». / Contrary to the conception of globalization as a non territorial based device, the rastafari community of Ouagadougou calls for an afrocentric identity adapted to its african situation.The community claims loud and clear its burkinabe identity, result of the combination of the memorial recall of a local political figure, the iconic Thomas Sankara, together with the mythical identity of the community born out of the rastafari cosmology. Yet, the community embodies the hybridity and fluidity peculiar to the definitions of globalization. Built in opposition to Babylon, the world of the Whites, the rastafari identity, born in Jamaica, emerges today in Africa.This identity, both afrocentric and transnational, creates a complex relationship with Westerners - who represents the rasta's Babylon (the “forces of evil” in the Bible) – particularly considering the importance that covers the encounters with Westerners in the way of life of the rasta in Ougadougou, encounters that belong to what the rasta call the “nassara system” (the “white system”).It's why the concept of ambivalence appears to be an interesting asset to analyze the negotiations undertaken by the burkinabe rasta in the forming of their identity, that same identity which is often accused either of racial absolutism, or by contrast, of “westernization”.

This dissertation presents an investigation into the identity transformation of the character of Wikus van der Merwe, the protagonist of the film District 9 (2009), from a postcolonial perspective. In the first instance, I argue that the film can be regarded as an allegory of the apartheid era in South Africa, and that the marginalised aliens in the film can therefore be seen as metaphorically representing the suppressed races of the apartheid era. The humans and aliens in the film are initially represented as binary opposites of each other: the humans are positioned as the normative in-group diametrically opposite the aliens, who are regarded as the non-normative out-group. In its ideological context, apartheid can also be understood as a type of colonialism. Like those who were marginalised by colonial practices, the aliens in the film are regarded as the other, mainly because of their physical, corporeal otherness. In the film Wikus experiences a bodily as well as an emotional transformation - and thus also an identity transformation – from a normative, Afrikaans-speaking white male (the self) into a non-normative and strange-looking alien (other) – with reference here to how normativity and otherness were conceptualised in the context of apartheid. Consequently, Wikus’ metamorphosis results in a hybrid figure, which demonstrates that the boundaries between self and other are permeable. Wikus’ unique identity as both self and other, as well as his increased self-awareness, illustrates his new identity position in an in-between space in which the self and other can be both, ironically, accommodated and destabilised. This dissertation demonstrates how the notion of hybridity (which is a key concept in postcolonial discourse) in the film works to destabilise the discourse of the self and other, and in this way hints at the possibility of a broader identity platform where all identities are validated. / M.A. (Graphic Design), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

This dissertation presents an investigation into the identity transformation of the character of Wikus van der Merwe, the protagonist of the film District 9 (2009), from a postcolonial perspective. In the first instance, I argue that the film can be regarded as an allegory of the apartheid era in South Africa, and that the marginalised aliens in the film can therefore be seen as metaphorically representing the suppressed races of the apartheid era. The humans and aliens in the film are initially represented as binary opposites of each other: the humans are positioned as the normative in-group diametrically opposite the aliens, who are regarded as the non-normative out-group. In its ideological context, apartheid can also be understood as a type of colonialism. Like those who were marginalised by colonial practices, the aliens in the film are regarded as the other, mainly because of their physical, corporeal otherness. In the film Wikus experiences a bodily as well as an emotional transformation - and thus also an identity transformation – from a normative, Afrikaans-speaking white male (the self) into a non-normative and strange-looking alien (other) – with reference here to how normativity and otherness were conceptualised in the context of apartheid. Consequently, Wikus’ metamorphosis results in a hybrid figure, which demonstrates that the boundaries between self and other are permeable. Wikus’ unique identity as both self and other, as well as his increased self-awareness, illustrates his new identity position in an in-between space in which the self and other can be both, ironically, accommodated and destabilised. This dissertation demonstrates how the notion of hybridity (which is a key concept in postcolonial discourse) in the film works to destabilise the discourse of the self and other, and in this way hints at the possibility of a broader identity platform where all identities are validated. / M.A. (Graphic Design), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Magister Artium (Psychology) - MA(Psych) / The central aim of this study was to explore the identity formation of black African middle class young adults in the context of their educational and language experiences in ex-model C schools. The study was motivated by a need to understand how socio-historical events which play out in language in education policies and practices, affected the identity constructions of young black adults who had been through a schooling system where English was used as the language of instruction. The study adopts social constructionism as the epistemological position, given that it considers individuals’ identities to be socially, historically and culturally constructed. Postcolonial approaches to identity construction were utilised, influenced by the works of Frantz Fanon and Hussein Bulhan. The study utilised a qualitative design, using semi-structured interviews as the method of data collection. Three participants who formerly attended ex-model C schools were interviewed. One interview was conducted for each participant. Thematic analysis was then used as a method of data analysis to identify the ways these young adults make sense of their experiences relating to identity constructions. With regard to the findings of the study, three main themes were identified, namely making sense of the new school environment, identity construction, and the role of language in the participants’ lives. Overall, findings of the study revealed that identity constructions were not static, but instead reflected the historical and social processes in which the participants lived. The participants adapted to the language of the school, and considered themselves to be multilingual as they were able to communicate in the language that was required for economic success. The present hegemonic status of English was accepted by the participants, because the ability to communicate in this language meant job security and an ability to communicate beyond boundaries. The mother tongue was still used by these participants, but it was used in contexts which were deemed appropriate by the participants. Race and class as markers of difference emerged as important constructs for identity formation. In conclusion, it was found that these young adult speakers of indigenous African languages were negating their mother tongue in the school and in social and economic contexts. In some cases, this led to alienation or feelings of inferiority. Indigenous African languages need to be promoted in the educational setting, and further acknowledged in other sectors of society and the economy. If African languages are presented as having some sort of utility in the economic sector, this will hopefully result in a change of attitude amongst indigenous African language speakers towards their own languages, contributing to the construction of multilingual identities which will reflect a truly democratic society.

Ce travail propose une analyse comparée portant sur la construction d’Haïti en tant queproblème public en Jamaïque et en Guadeloupe au cours des années 2000. Un premierfacteur de politisation observé dans ces deux territoires repose sur l’altérisation desHaïtiens par le biais de normes héritées de l’idéologie raciale coloniale et se traduit pard’importantes mobilisations contre les immigrés haïtiens. Un deuxième typed’intervention dans le champ politique relève au contraire de pratiques d’opposition audiscours colonial et tend à présenter la première République noire comme le symboled’une appartenance commune forgée dans la lutte contre l’hégémonie occidentale. Cetteconflictualité identitaire est resituée à l’aune du fond imaginaire racialisé hérité de lasociété de plantation et au croisement des modèles institutionnels mis en oeuvre après ladécolonisation en Jamaïque et en Guadeloupe. En retraçant la trajectoire du « problèmehaïtien », l’enquête engage une réflexion sur la production du politique dans l’espacecaribéen. Elle s’attache à montrer en quoi les antagonismes socio-raciaux exprimés dansles sociétés à fondement esclavagiste informent et travaillent l’action pol itique qui yprend place. La première partie revient sur l’invention de la figure racisée du « barbarehaïtien » dans l’espace Atlantique et son usage par les puissances occidentales en tantqu’outil de légitimation de l’ordre colonial en Jamaïque et en Guadeloupe. La deuxièmepartie s’intéresse à la manière dont ces stéréotypes raciaux sont réactivés dans les deuxterritoires durant les années 2000 à travers la politisation de l’immigration haïtienne etsa mise à l’agenda auprès des pouvoirs publics. En troisième lieu, les interactions quifaçonnent les énoncés officiels du « problème haïtien » sont saisies au prisme desinstruments de l’action publique mis en place afin de réguler, contrôler et mettre àl’écart les corps haïtiens. Cette recherche invite à aborder, par le biais de l’exemplecaribéen, les fondements de l’articulation entre identités raciales, production dupolitique, pratiques du pouvoir et modes de gouvernementalité. Elle met en évidence lalongévité des schèmes de pensée issus de la domination coloniale, tout en soulignant lacapacité des acteurs à en renégocier le contenu à travers le conflit politique. / This research project proposes a comparative analysis regarding the construction ofHaiti as a public problem in Jamaica and in Guadeloupe during the 2000s. A first factorof politicisation observed in both territories is based on the process of othering theHaitians through norms inherited from racist ideology and reflected in significantmobilisations against Haitian migrants. A second type of intervention in the politicalarena is conversely related to oppositional practices towards the colonial discourse andtends to present the first Black Republic as a symbol of common belonging shapedthrough struggles against Western hegemony. This source of identity-based conflicts islocated in the light of a racialised imaginary inherited from plantation society and at theintersection of the institutional models implemented after decolonisation in Jamaica andin Guadeloupe. By recounting the career of the “Haitian problem”, this survey reflectson the production of politics in the Caribbean space as from its margins. It aims atshowing how social and racial antagonisms expressed in societies founded on slaveryshape and fashion local political action. The first part sheds a light on the invention ofthe racialised representation of the “Haitian barbarian” in the Atlantic space and its useas a tool for legitimating the colonial order in Jamaican and in Guadeloupe by Westernpowers. The second part addresses the way in which these racial stereotypes werereactivated in both territories during the 2000s through the politicisation of Haitianimmigration as well as its placement on the policy agenda. Third, the interactions thatshape official narratives related to the “Haitian problem” are grasped through the lens ofpolicy instruments implemented in order to regulate, control and exclude Haitian bodies.Based on the Caribbean example, this research invites to discuss the way racialidentities, politics, power practices and governmentalities relate and are articulatedaltogether. It highlights the longevity of thinking patterns derived from colonialdomination, while emphasising the capacity of actors to renegotiate their contentthrough political conflict.