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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

A OAB no processo de transforma??o da sociedade brasileira: a seccional potiguar como espa?o de redemocratiza??o (1979-1988) / The OAB in the process of transformation of the brazilian society: a potiguar sectional a space for how democratization (1979-1988)

Silva, Rafael Oliveira da 28 August 2014 (has links)
Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-01-27T19:46:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RafaelOliveiraDaSilva_DISSERT.pdf: 1064537 bytes, checksum: a39191a63f72abc7bbee8d32659d955b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-01-27T20:24:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 RafaelOliveiraDaSilva_DISSERT.pdf: 1064537 bytes, checksum: a39191a63f72abc7bbee8d32659d955b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-27T20:24:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RafaelOliveiraDaSilva_DISSERT.pdf: 1064537 bytes, checksum: a39191a63f72abc7bbee8d32659d955b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-28 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / O per?odo conhecido como Ditadura Militar (1964-1985) representou um momento da Hist?ria do Brasil marcado pelo controle do Poder do Estado pelas For?as Armadas em conjunto, iniciado com o Golpe Civil-Militar de abril de 1964. Caracterizou-se enquanto um momento em que as liberdades pol?ticas e de express?o foram colocadas em xeque por medidas autorit?rias e repressivas tomadas pelos governos militares. A seccional potiguar da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB/RN), assim como o Conselho Federal da institui??o, apoiou o estabelecimento do referido golpe, mas a partir dos anos de 1970 empreendeu medidas que buscavam corroborar as lutas em torno da redemocratiza??o do pa?s, o que contribuiu para a consolida??o da sua imagem de defensora da ordem democr?tica. Com o t?tulo inspirado no XII Encontro da OAB de outubro de 1988, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a participa??o da OAB/RN e de seus membros no ?mbito da redemocratiza??o brasileira. Essa an?lise compreende um per?odo que se inicia no ano de 1979, com a participa??o da entidade nas discuss?es da Anistia Pol?tica, e vai at? a promulga??o da Constitui??o de 1988, uma vez que a Carta Magna representa o come?o de um Estado de Direito pleno. Procuramos entender o objeto enquanto espa?o de redemocratiza??o, aliando os conceitos de Hist?ria, Mem?ria e Pol?tica. Norteamo-nos teoricamente nas an?lises feitas por Jacques Le Goff, Pierre Nora, Maurice Halbwachs, Pierre Bourdieu e Hannah Arendt. Reconstru?mos o per?odo de redemocratiza??o em terras potiguares, dando luz ?s a??es da OAB/RN, sobretudo nos seguintes eventos: Anistia Pol?tica de 1979, mobiliza??es em torno da campanha das ?Diretas J?!? e Constitui??o de 1988. Fazemos uso de legisla??o, atas, jornais e entrevistas constru?das com base na Hist?ria Oral / The period known as the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985) was a period of history marked by Brazil's control of state power by the Armed Forces together, this started with the Civil-Military Coup of April 1964. Was characterized as a time where political freedoms of expression and were placed in check by authoritarian and repressive measures taken by the military governments. The sectional potiguar of the Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB / RN), and the Federal Council of the institution, supported the establishment of this scam, but from the 1970s undertook measures that sought to corroborate the struggles around democracy the country, which has consolidated its image as a defender of democratic order. With the title inspired by the XII Meeting of OAB in October 1988, the research aims to analyze the participation of OAB / RN and its members within the Brazilian democratization. This analysis begins in 1979 with the participation of the entity in discussions Amnesty Policy to the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution, since the Constitution is the beginning of a full rule of law. We seek to understand the object as a space for democratization, combining the concepts of History, Memory and Politics. In the analyzes are guided theoretically by Jacques Le Goff, Pierre Nora, Maurice Halbwachs, Pierre Bourdieu and Hannah Arendt. Be rebuilt the period of democratic rule in the land potiguares birthing shares of OAB / RN, particularly in the following events: Amnesty Policy 1979, the mobilizations around the campaign of "Direct Now" and the 1988 Constitution We make use of legislation. minutes, papers and interviews built on Oral History.
2

O presidencialismo de coaliz?o diante do patrimonialismo e do contrato social da redemocratiza??o

Freitas, Jo?o Paulo Ocke de 08 February 2018 (has links)
Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2018-03-12T15:13:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JoaoPauloOckeDeFreitas_DISSERT.pdf: 1214376 bytes, checksum: 0ed23f23ec672b0e19cc290f912f1e9a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-03-15T14:56:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 JoaoPauloOckeDeFreitas_DISSERT.pdf: 1214376 bytes, checksum: 0ed23f23ec672b0e19cc290f912f1e9a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-15T14:56:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JoaoPauloOckeDeFreitas_DISSERT.pdf: 1214376 bytes, checksum: 0ed23f23ec672b0e19cc290f912f1e9a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-08 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior (CAPES) / O objetivo da presente Disserta??o de Mestrado ? analisar o presidencialismo tendo em vista a promo??o de estabilidade ou de instabilidade no processo decis?rio ou na implementa??o da agenda pol?tica. A discuss?o em torno das pesquisas desenvolvidas sobre o presidencialismo de coaliz?o e dos principais argumentos concernentes a esse tema ? confrontada com os progressos sociais e econ?micos verificados ap?s a promulga??o da Constitui??o de 1988. Esses relevantes avan?os sociais e econ?micos s?o uma express?o do contrato social da redemocratiza??o, cujo termo inicial foi estabelecido pela Constitui??o de 1988 e incrementado, com maior ou menor ?nfase, desde ent?o, pelos governos, com base nas regras do conjunto das institui??es sociais, pol?ticas e econ?micas. Os avan?os alcan?ados no contexto do presidencialismo de coaliz?o n?o ocorreram sem que barreiras de natureza ideol?gica, legal e pol?tica tivessem que ser superadas. Entre tais obst?culos destacam-se as pr?ticas patrimonialistas, de longa tradi??o no Brasil. O patrimonialismo ? um conceito que mant?m a sua for?a, validade e efic?cia operacional e, por isso, pode ser contemporaneamente confrontado com o potencial de governabilidade sob o presidencialismo de coaliz?o. Disso decorre que as institui??es pol?ticas e econ?micas podem ser analisadas sob a perspectiva do patrimonialismo como ponto de partida para a determina??o do grau de inclus?o social que essas mesmas institui??es s?o capazes de promover. Esta pesquisa adota a perspectiva do desenho institucional do presidencialismo de coaliz?o, notadamente do processo decis?rio e n?o apenas a do seu arcabou?o formal e legal e confronta a mec?nica do presidencialismo de coaliz?o com o processo de impeachment da presidente Dilma Rousseff. N?o ? poss?vel afirmar que o presidencialismo de coaliz?o degrade a democracia e que contribua para a depreda??o da cidadania por parte dos agentes p?blicos e privados. O presidencialismo de coaliz?o promove o compartilhamento de poder entre o Executivo, o Legislativo, os demais ?rg?os pol?ticos e a sociedade civil organizada, admite a atua??o mediadora do Poder Judici?rio, viabiliza mecanismos para evitar o arb?trio do Executivo e ? dotado de mecanismos capazes de gerar condi??es para o incremento do contrato social da redemocratiza??o e para o aprimoramento das institui??es pol?ticas e econ?micas inclusivas. / The purpose of this Dissertation is to analyze coalitional presidentialism in view of to promoting stability or instability in the decision-making process or in the implementation of the political agenda. The discussion around the research on coalitional presidentialism and the main arguments concerning this issue is confronted with the social and economic progress made after the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988. These important social and economic advances are an expression of the social contract of redemocratization, whose initial term was established by the 1988 Constitution and increased, with greater or less emphasis, by governments, based on the rules of the set of social, political and economic institutions. The advances achieved in the context of coalitional presidentialism did not occur without ideological, legal and political barriers having to be overcome. Among these obstacles stand out patrimonialist practices, with a long tradition in Brazil. Patrimonialism is a concept that maintains its strength, validity and operational effectiveness and, therefore, can be contemporaneously confronted with the potential for governance under the coalitional presidentialism. From this it follows that political and economic institutions can be analyzed from the perspective of patrimonialism as a starting point for determining the degree of social inclusion that these same institutions can promote. This research considers the institutional design perspective of coalitional presidentialism, notably the decision-making process and not only its formal and legal framework, and confronts the mechanics of coalitional presidentialism with the impeachment process of President Dilma Rousseff. The governance category is instrumentalized to analyze how the Executive, the Legislative and the parties are constituted as decisive political actors in the process of forming the coalition and exerting influence in the political arena. It is not possible to say that coalitional presidentialism degrades democracy and contributes to the depredation of citizenship by public and private actors. Coalitional presidentialism promotes the sharing of power between the Executive, the Legislative, other political bodies and organized civil society, admits the mediating role of the Judiciary, makes possible mechanisms to avoid the dominance of the Executive and is endowed with mechanisms capable of generating conditions for the increase of the contract social of redemocratization and for the improvement of inclusive political and economic institutions.

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