O desaparecimento de pessoas é um fenômeno complexo e polissêmico que pode estar conectado a diferentes condições históricas, saberes, tecnologias, expertises. Através de uma etnografia multissituada nos propomos a compreender as relações de poder investidas nas formas de governo (Foucault, 2008) do desaparecimento, através da emergência da militância de familiares, dos modos de subjetivação da experiência, de casos de desaparecimento, dos regimes de verdade e das expertises dos mediadores. Para tanto, fazemos uso da observação participante em eventos sobre o tema, entrevistas semiestruturadas com familiares e mediadores e de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. A militância de familiares de pessoas desaparecidas emergiu a partir da mobilização contra a violência no Rio de Janeiro, nos anos de 1990, mas foi transformada pela imagem do sofrimento materno no espaço público. A família é fundamental na construção de marcos sociais a partir dos quais o desaparecimento é vivido como uma experiência social que envolve o tempo, o sofrimento, as relações de gênero e de classe e a busca à verdade. Embora a militância e o trabalho das instituições do Estado sejam fundamentais para o estabelecimento das relações de governo do desaparecimento, outros atores humanos e não-humanos são potencialmente aptos a se engajar e definir novos sentidos, táticas ou problematizações. A expertise se constitui como uma tecnologia de governo para os mediadores e funcionários do Estado, produzindo o desaparecido por meios de associações com familiares, técnicas e saberes. / The disappearance of people is a complex and polysemic phenomenon that can be connected to different historical conditions, knowledge, technologies and expertise. Through a multisituated ethnography, we propose to understand the power relations invested in the forms of government (Foucault, 2008) of disappearance, through the emergence of family militancy, modes of subjectification of experience, cases of disappearance, truth regimes and of the mediators' expertises. To do so, we use participant observation on events on the topic, semi-structured interviews with family and mediators, and bibliographical and documentary research. The militancy of relatives of disappeared persons emerged from the mobilization against violence in Rio de Janeiro in the 1990s, but was transformed by the image of maternal suffering in the public space. The family is fundamental in building social milestones from which disappearance is experienced as a social experience that involves time, suffering, gender and class relations and the search for truth. Although militancy and the work of state institutions are fundamental to the establishment of governance relations of disappearance, other human and nonhuman actors are potentially apt to engage and define new meanings, tactics or problematizations. The expertise constitutes as a technology of government for the mediators and officials of the State, producing the disappeared by means of associations with relatives, techniques and knowledge.

O desaparecimento de pessoas é um fenômeno complexo e polissêmico que pode estar conectado a diferentes condições históricas, saberes, tecnologias, expertises. Através de uma etnografia multissituada nos propomos a compreender as relações de poder investidas nas formas de governo (Foucault, 2008) do desaparecimento, através da emergência da militância de familiares, dos modos de subjetivação da experiência, de casos de desaparecimento, dos regimes de verdade e das expertises dos mediadores. Para tanto, fazemos uso da observação participante em eventos sobre o tema, entrevistas semiestruturadas com familiares e mediadores e de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. A militância de familiares de pessoas desaparecidas emergiu a partir da mobilização contra a violência no Rio de Janeiro, nos anos de 1990, mas foi transformada pela imagem do sofrimento materno no espaço público. A família é fundamental na construção de marcos sociais a partir dos quais o desaparecimento é vivido como uma experiência social que envolve o tempo, o sofrimento, as relações de gênero e de classe e a busca à verdade. Embora a militância e o trabalho das instituições do Estado sejam fundamentais para o estabelecimento das relações de governo do desaparecimento, outros atores humanos e não-humanos são potencialmente aptos a se engajar e definir novos sentidos, táticas ou problematizações. A expertise se constitui como uma tecnologia de governo para os mediadores e funcionários do Estado, produzindo o desaparecido por meios de associações com familiares, técnicas e saberes. / The disappearance of people is a complex and polysemic phenomenon that can be connected to different historical conditions, knowledge, technologies and expertise. Through a multisituated ethnography, we propose to understand the power relations invested in the forms of government (Foucault, 2008) of disappearance, through the emergence of family militancy, modes of subjectification of experience, cases of disappearance, truth regimes and of the mediators' expertises. To do so, we use participant observation on events on the topic, semi-structured interviews with family and mediators, and bibliographical and documentary research. The militancy of relatives of disappeared persons emerged from the mobilization against violence in Rio de Janeiro in the 1990s, but was transformed by the image of maternal suffering in the public space. The family is fundamental in building social milestones from which disappearance is experienced as a social experience that involves time, suffering, gender and class relations and the search for truth. Although militancy and the work of state institutions are fundamental to the establishment of governance relations of disappearance, other human and nonhuman actors are potentially apt to engage and define new meanings, tactics or problematizations. The expertise constitutes as a technology of government for the mediators and officials of the State, producing the disappeared by means of associations with relatives, techniques and knowledge.

O desaparecimento de pessoas é um fenômeno complexo e polissêmico que pode estar conectado a diferentes condições históricas, saberes, tecnologias, expertises. Através de uma etnografia multissituada nos propomos a compreender as relações de poder investidas nas formas de governo (Foucault, 2008) do desaparecimento, através da emergência da militância de familiares, dos modos de subjetivação da experiência, de casos de desaparecimento, dos regimes de verdade e das expertises dos mediadores. Para tanto, fazemos uso da observação participante em eventos sobre o tema, entrevistas semiestruturadas com familiares e mediadores e de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. A militância de familiares de pessoas desaparecidas emergiu a partir da mobilização contra a violência no Rio de Janeiro, nos anos de 1990, mas foi transformada pela imagem do sofrimento materno no espaço público. A família é fundamental na construção de marcos sociais a partir dos quais o desaparecimento é vivido como uma experiência social que envolve o tempo, o sofrimento, as relações de gênero e de classe e a busca à verdade. Embora a militância e o trabalho das instituições do Estado sejam fundamentais para o estabelecimento das relações de governo do desaparecimento, outros atores humanos e não-humanos são potencialmente aptos a se engajar e definir novos sentidos, táticas ou problematizações. A expertise se constitui como uma tecnologia de governo para os mediadores e funcionários do Estado, produzindo o desaparecido por meios de associações com familiares, técnicas e saberes. / The disappearance of people is a complex and polysemic phenomenon that can be connected to different historical conditions, knowledge, technologies and expertise. Through a multisituated ethnography, we propose to understand the power relations invested in the forms of government (Foucault, 2008) of disappearance, through the emergence of family militancy, modes of subjectification of experience, cases of disappearance, truth regimes and of the mediators' expertises. To do so, we use participant observation on events on the topic, semi-structured interviews with family and mediators, and bibliographical and documentary research. The militancy of relatives of disappeared persons emerged from the mobilization against violence in Rio de Janeiro in the 1990s, but was transformed by the image of maternal suffering in the public space. The family is fundamental in building social milestones from which disappearance is experienced as a social experience that involves time, suffering, gender and class relations and the search for truth. Although militancy and the work of state institutions are fundamental to the establishment of governance relations of disappearance, other human and nonhuman actors are potentially apt to engage and define new meanings, tactics or problematizations. The expertise constitutes as a technology of government for the mediators and officials of the State, producing the disappeared by means of associations with relatives, techniques and knowledge.

This dissertation explores the regimes of truth surrounding Muslims in Sweden. The main focus lies on the production of knowledge regarding Muslims in the context of the guided tours of a mosque in Stockholm. Special attention is given to how regimes of truth regarding Muslims inform the conversations during the visits, how they are debated in this particular arena and how that is dependent on positionality. It is a situation in which a Muslim, in the position of the guide, has an opportunity to present alternative storylines, or stories, about who Muslims are and what they do. The visitors for their part can assess, respond to and challenge those stories. In other words, the study explores who can speak with authority. The study is based mainly on participant observations made during 14 guided tours from 2003-2006 and on interviews with guides and visitors regarding their experiences on the respective tours. Most of the visitor groups were making study visits as a part of educational training. Seven of these were in primary and secondary education and two of them at the college level. Four groups came from social clubs at a workplace or from interest groups, and one was organised by Stockholm City Museum. To frame and contextualise the tours I have furthermore used data from mass media, mainly press clippings, but also features from TV shows. Other categories have been archival data, leaflets and brochures handed out at the mosque, as well as fictional books and a mailing list for Muslims. These sources have helped me discern regimes of truth that are, and are not, articulated on the guided tours. The central results concern the fact that the guides see the tours as a chance to alter other stories about Muslims and allow the visitors who tour the mosque to hear something that is not mediated or taught in school; however, they experience difficulties in terms of gaining credibility with regard to their presentation of alternative stories. Even when the guides talk about their private life, as is often the case, they are challenged and sometimes mistrusted. The guides, and hosts, use their private lives to explain their position in Sweden, but the visitors also expect them to expose their personal opinions regarding how they, as Muslims, would act in morally difficult scenarios; thus, the tours present a situation where the visitors seem more comfortable than the hosts. Another significant result is that both the guides and visitors expressed the importance of the tours becoming a respectful meeting place. Religiosity, religion and secularism seem in themselves to represent otherness. What is respectful in practice, however, is not very clear. There is an ongoing debate in Swedish society concerning whether it is respectful to shake hands with a Muslim in a working situation, as is customary in Sweden. Moreover, the showing of respect is given a gender dimension on the tours, since the main way to perform respect is for every woman to wear a robe when entering the mosque. Respect as a practice seems to be mired in social inequality. It seems difficult to become a guest if you are simultaneously appropriated the position of a Swede, and difficult to pass as a host if you position yourself as a Muslim.

This work analyzed the discursive conflict between the participant subjects in the public debate on the regulation of marijuana in Brazil, in order to understand how these subjects employ medical-scientific and juridical-legal arguments to support propositions based on moral-values conceptions. In this sense, in order to analyze this conflict, it were observed six public hearings promoted by the Federal Senate of Brazil in 2014, which discussed the proposal to regulate the use of marijuana in Brazil. It was considered, initially, that the clash observed at these hearings was between groups of 'moral entrepreneurs', who defended opposing and favorable positions on the regulation. More than this, at some points the discussion develops in such a way that the conflict is between what is 'true' and what is 'false' in this debate. Thereby, the speeches of the 'experts' invited to these hearings were fundamental to ground the argument of the conflicting entrepreneurs to establish the 'correct' position in this debate. That being said, and since juridical-legal and medical-scientific discourses are central to this discussion, the aim of this work is to understand how the 'moral entrepreneurs' involved in this debate employ medical-scientific and juridical-legal ‗discourses‘ to support their propositions. In the attempt to answer this question, a discussion was made on Howard Becker's 'Interactionist theory of deviance' to understand the importance of the moral entrepreneurs actuations in establishing social rules. In addition, some 'methodological tools' pointed out by Michel Foucault in his 'archaeogenealogical' proposal were retrieved in order to understand how the emergence of the current conflict was possible and how the 'regimes of truth' and 'practices regimes' on marijuana use in Brazil have been modified throughout history. / Este trabalho analisou o conflito discursivo entre os sujeitos participantes do debate público sobre a regulamentação da maconha no Brasil, deste modo, buscou-se compreender como estes sujeitos empregam argumentos médico-científicos e jurídico-legais para sustentar proposições baseadas em concepções morais-valorativas. Neste sentido, visando analisar este conflito, foram observadas seis audiências públicas promovidas pelo Senado Federal do Brasil em 2014, que discutiram a proposta de regulamentação do uso da maconha no Brasil. Considerou-se, inicialmente, que o embate observado nestas audiências era feito entre os grupos de ‗empreendedores morais‘, que defendiam posições contrárias e favoráveis à regulamentação. Mais do que isto, em alguns momentos a discussão se desenvolve de tal maneira que o conflito é entre o que é ‗verdadeiro‘ e o que é ‗falso‘ neste debate. Assim, as falas dos ‗especialistas‘ convidados para estas audiências foram fundamentais para embasar o argumento dos empreendedores que estão em conflito para estabelecer qual é a posição ‗correta‘ neste debate. Dito isto, e tendo em vista que os discursos jurídico-legais e médico-científicos são centrais nesta discussão, o trabalho tem por objetivo compreender como os ‗empreendedores morais‘ envolvidos neste debate empregam ‗discursos‘ médico-científicos e jurídico-legais para sustentar suas proposições. Na tentativa de responder esta questão, foi feita uma discussão sobre a ‗teoria interacionista do desvio‘, proposta por Howard Becker, para se compreender a importância da atuação dos empreendedores morais no estabelecimento de regras sociais. Além disso, foram resgatadas algumas ‗ferramentas metodológicas‘ apontadas por Michel Foucault em sua proposta ‗arqueogenealógica‘, com o intuito de compreender como foi possível a emergência do conflito atual e como foram se modificando os ‗regimes de verdade‘ e os ‗regimes de práticas‘ sobre o consumo da maconha no Brasil no decorrer da história.