A dissertação estuda uma experiência internacionalista de partidos políticos de esquerda da América Latina e Caribe: o Foro de São Paulo. O período considerado para a pesquisa é de 1990 a 2015. O Foro de São Paulo é uma organização formada por partidos e movimentos políticos de esquerda latino-americanos e caribenhos, identificados com um posicionamento antineoliberal e anti-imperialista e em favor da integração econômica, social, política e cultural da América Latina e Caribe. É uma grande família da qual fazem parte diversas correntes político-ideológicas, ou famílias, da esquerda latino-americana. A pesquisa analisa o desenvolvimento histórico do Foro de São Paulo, seus principais debates e resoluções, as suas polêmicas e crises e como, apesar disso, a organização internacionalista potenciou suas convergências e consensos, elaborando e difundindo propostas latino-americanistas de integração continental. Discute-se ainda o processo pelo qual partidos do Foro de São Paulo passaram a liderar governos de esquerda e progressistas na região, que impulsionaram a integração latino-americana e caribenha. A pergunta fundamental da pesquisa é: por que e como, o Foro de São Paulo, mesmo com a sua diversidade político-ideológica, com os seus limites, crises e contradições, sobreviveu e é uma das principais organizações internacionalistas de partidos políticos de esquerda do mundo e a mais importante da América Latina e Caribe? As características distintivas do Foro de São Paulo, ao mesmo tempo em que o singularizam, também são as razões de sua resiliência e o sustentam como experiência internacionalista de partidos políticos. A pesquisa adotou o referencial teórico do materialismo histórico e o método dialético, particularmente o pensamento do marxista Antonio Gramsci, em especial, seus elementos para uma teoria do partido político e conceitos como Príncipe moderno e hegemonia. Através de uma metodologia histórica e comparativa, a pesquisa fez uma revisão crítica da literatura sobre o internacionalismo e as relações internacionais dos partidos de esquerda da América Latina, particularmente de Brasil e Cuba, e sobre o Foro de São Paulo. O esforço de pesquisa realizado envolveu ainda o estudo de fontes primárias e a pesquisa de campo. / This paper studies an Internationalist experience of left-wing political parties in Latin America and in the Caribbean: the São Paulo Forum. The period that has been taken into account for this research goes from 1990 to 2015. The São Paulo Forum is an organization constituted by Latin-American and Caribbean left-wing political parties and movements, which are anti-neoliberal and anti-imperialist, and who support the economic, social, political and cultural integration of Latin America and the Caribbean. It is a big family to which various political-ideological currents, or families, of the Latin-American left belong. The research analyses the historic development of the São Paulo Forum, its main debates and resolutions, its controversies and crisis and how, after all, the Internationalist organization increased the potential of its convergences and consensus, elaborating and disseminating Latin-American proposals of continental integration. There is also a discussion about the process through which the parties of the São Paulo Forum started to lead left-wing and progressive governments in the region, which pushed the Latin-American and Caribbean integration forward. The main question of the research is why, and how, the São Paulo Forum, even with a wide political-ideological scope, within its limits, crisis and contradictions, survived and is one of the main Internationalist organizations of left-wing political parties in the world, and the most important one in Latin America and the Caribbean. The distinctive features of the São Paulo Forum make it a unique organization and are also the reasons for its resilience and maintain it as an Internationalist experience of political parties. The research adopted the theoretical references of historic materialism and the dialectical method, particularly the thought of the Marxist Antonio Gramsci, and especially its elements for a theory of the political party and concepts like the modern Prince and hegemony. Through a historic and comparative methodology, this research made a critical revision of the literature on Internationalism and International Relations of the left-wing Latin-American parties, particularly in Brazil and Cuba, and about the São Paulo Forum. The effort of the research also included studying primary sources and field research.

Thailand has been one of significant recipients of foreign direct investment (FDI) among developing countries over the last 30 years, and has recorded rapid and sustained growth rates in a number of different industrial categories. Thailand has shown a clear policy transition for foreign investment over time from an import-substitution regime to an export-oriented regime. Before the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis (1985-1996), Thailand had the fastest growing level of exports in manufactured goods among Asian economies. FDI plays a significant role in the Thai economy. Thailand has been pursuing different foreign investment policies at different times depending on the development objectives and economic situation in the country. The main objective of this research is to evaluate the determinants of FDI and foreign portfolio investment (FPI) in Thailand using the extended Gravity Model. Panel data is used to estimate and evaluate the empirical results based on the data for the years 1980 to 2004. It also examines the FDI flows between different locations and their geographical distances in Thailand. The primary research question addresses what factors motivate, attract, and sustain the FDI and FPI in Thailand. In addition, this study also examines the effects of the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis on the inflows of FDI and FPI into Thailand. The results show that the inflows of FDI in Thailand, which are supply-driven, are significantly influenced by its 21 largest investing partners. The 1997 Asian Financial Crisis has no impact on the determinants of the inflows of FDI into Thailand, but positively influences the inflows of FPI into Thailand. Our results also show that increases in GDP and trade between investing partners and Thailand potentially attract more FDI and FPI into Thailand. Investing partners closer to Thailand draw more portfolio investment into Thailand than distant partners – emphasising that distance has a negative impact on the portfolio investment but a negligible impact on the FDI.

The main question in this research project is whether regional integration promotes the rule of law in ASEAN. The thesis has adopted a functional, rather than conceptual, approach to understanding the rule of law and its development in regional integration. While the approach reflects an instrumentalist function of the rule of law, the study provides a holistic and interdisciplinary approach taking account of the legal, insitutional, and political processes in the state, the region, and international relations to show the motivations and interests of member states in adopting a peculiar type of regional arrangement. The research project has taken the European Union for comparison, not as a model in the strict sense, to identify the development of legal and institutional processes that build the foundation of the rule of law and the factors that drive the evolution of state-like constitutionalism. Common legal tradition of the rule of law, leadership role of key member states, and regional institution building ??? are the main processes in the development of the rule of law in the EU and are either lacking, different, or weak in the context of ASEAN. However, an evolving form of the rule of law exists in ASEAN. The rule of law in ASEAN integration is designed to provide a stable and coherent framework for interstate relations among member states and to achieve effective implementation of the member states??? economic commitments. ASEAN has adopted an instrumentalist conception of the rule of law and one based on ???thin??? constitutionalism, as reflected in the ASEAN Charter. The features of the rule of law in ASEAN are ??? state-controlled, limited, evolutionary and resting on soft legal regime. ASEAN has chosen a different path at regional integration and globalization has offered new techniques of the rule of law. Regionalism in ASEAN remains statist in character and the ASEAN Way is still entrenched. There are significant developments towards adopting a broader basis of regional cooperation and opportunities for developing the rule of law in ASEAN. To broaden the function of the rule of law in regional integration, as a mechanism of accountability and as a form or restraint, ASEAN needs to adopt initiatives aimed at expanding political participation and respect for human rights. The European Union offer points of learning for ASEAN in achieving a broader function for the rule of law in ASEAN integration.

<p>Regional integration has gained momentum since the 1980s and throughout the world. The new regionalism process prevailing since differs from the old one by its multidimensionality covering economic, political, social, and cultural issues within a regional setting. While the old regionalism focused on market protection using a range of tariff and non tariff barriers, the New Regionalism is reinforced by the globalisation effects and strives for efficiency in production, and market access. Using the New Regionalisms Approach, the aim of this thesis is to appreciate the actual levels of regional integration in Africa and explore plausible ways of deepening the integration process with the view that regional integration can promote socio-economic development, provided a pro-development approach is privileged in the conception and implementation of the regional integration process. Focusing on SADC as a representative regional economic community, a qualitative content analysis is used for data collection while policy analysis is carried out using the Institutional Analysis and Development framework. The results of this study reveal discrepancies between policy formulation and policy implementation when it comes to enhancing the pro-developmental aspects in the unfolding regional integration process. In spite that shortcomings in past experiences triggered dramatic structural reforms ranging from the reorganisation of the Organisation of African Unity into the African Union, the creation of NEPAD, to structural reforms within regional economic communities with the example of the 2001 restructuring of SADC, empirical evidence shows that little change has occurred at the operational level. Moreover, even policy formulation at the collective-action level still lacks concrete strategies and plans for harmonisation and implementation of regional initiatives. Some of the strategies for deepening the regional integration process would include prioritising regional commitments to external ones and improving policy formulation as well as establishing linkages between different regional policies and strategies.</p>

<p>This dissertation explores the potential contributions of the mechanisms for early warning and intelligence sharing to regional security in Africa. The Continental Early Warning System (CEWS) and the Committee on Intelligence and Security Services of Africa (CISSA) are centrally concerned with the dissemination of information to enable decision-making on continental security. The main focus of the dissertation is on the manner in which the information generated by the CEWS and CISSA can contribute to regional security. In order to analyse the potential contribution of the CEWS and CISSA to regional security, a sound theoretical framework is proposed so as to explore how and why states choose to cooperate, as well as addressing multifaceted cooperation and integration at inter-state, government department and nonstate levels. Constructivist interpretations of international cooperation are utilised to explore the role of ideas, meanings and understandings in shaping behaviour. The focus is placed on the manner in which interaction as provided for by the CEWS and CISSA can shape understandings of reality and potentially impact on the definition of actors&rsquo / interests. This is based on the assumption drawn from security community and epistemic community theory that, enabling the creation of shared meanings and shared knowledge there is the potential for both the CEWS and CISSA to have a positive influence on the choices that stakeholders take in favour of peaceful change.</p>

Lo scopo di questo lavoro è di cercar di trovare una risposta alla seguente domanda: Tenendo conto della attuale situazione del Mercosur e la dinamica del suo sviluppo, quanto sarebbe benefico e/o fattibile il raggiungimento di una maggiore intesa in materia energetica, che potenzialmente potrebbe portare all'integrazione dei mercati energetici della sub-regione? Questi interrogativi conducono dunque all'analisi dell'interrelazione attuale e/o potenziale tra il processo d'integrazione regionale conosciuto come Mercosur e quello d'integrazione dei mercati energetici nella sub-regione. Inoltre, quest'analisi consentirà di verificare se il raggiungimento di una possibile intesa in materia energetica possa scatenare un spill-over positivo, rafforzando il processo attuale dell'integrazione regionale coadiuvando lo sviluppo in altre aree. Dall'analisi su queste tematiche emerge l'idea che sarebbe il settore energetico ad avere la possibilità di alterare la presente natura del Mercosur, non solo per il fatto ovvio che l'energia è ancora un settore dove ancora non si è sviluppato un accordo sub-regionale vincolante, ma anche per la possibilità che il raggiungimento di un tale accordo si ripercuota sulle aree adiacenti del settore energetico, incidendo sui cosiddetti functional linkages, che porterebbe al bisogno d'integrazione su altre aree e settori legati all'energia, dando nuovo impulso per approfondire il processo d'integrazione regionale. / This research is aimed at finding an accurate answer to the following question: Considering Mercosur's current situation and the dynamics of its development, how beneficial and/or possible is the fulfilment of an accord in the energetic field, which would probably mean sub-regional energy markets integration? This question leads us to the study of current and/or potential interrelation between the regional integration process known as Mercosur and sub-regional energy markets integration. Moreover, the above mentioned analysis will allow us to prove whether an accord in the energetic field might unleash a positive spill-over, strengthening the current regional integration process while assisting other areas of it. The analysis of these issues emerges the idea that it will be the energy sector the one that may alter Mercosur's current nature. Not only is it possible because of the obvious thing that energy is a sector where there's no binding accord in a sub-regional field, but also because of the possibility that the fulfilment of this accord may impact on the adjacent areas of the energy sector, influencing the well know functional linkages. In this way, it will emerge the need of integrating other areas and sector linked to the energy sector, giving a new momentum to deepen the regional integration process.

Special and differential treatment (SDT) provisions in GATT were created to assist developing countries achieve economic progress while assimilating into the multilateral trading system. Despite these intentions, global trade imbalances still persist. Within this context, I focus on the region of East Asia which has experienced astounding growth in just several decades, propelling it far beyond other developing country regions. Although international trade continues to be the crucial factor driving growth in the region, reliance on SDT has in certain circumstances hindered development. As such, East Asia should seek alternatives to SDT. In that vein, I argue that sustainable growth and trade liberalization can be achieved by enhancing integration through a regional trade agreement. I further discuss various proposals for an East Asian trade agreement such as ASEAN+3, FTAAP, and EARTA. Finally, I highlight the importance of governance and identify several institutions essential for a successful regional arrangement.

Special and differential treatment (SDT) provisions in GATT were created to assist developing countries achieve economic progress while assimilating into the multilateral trading system. Despite these intentions, global trade imbalances still persist. Within this context, I focus on the region of East Asia which has experienced astounding growth in just several decades, propelling it far beyond other developing country regions. Although international trade continues to be the crucial factor driving growth in the region, reliance on SDT has in certain circumstances hindered development. As such, East Asia should seek alternatives to SDT. In that vein, I argue that sustainable growth and trade liberalization can be achieved by enhancing integration through a regional trade agreement. I further discuss various proposals for an East Asian trade agreement such as ASEAN+3, FTAAP, and EARTA. Finally, I highlight the importance of governance and identify several institutions essential for a successful regional arrangement.

<p>The tri-partite initiative in and for Africa has been accompanied by high levels of optimism since its political endorsement in 2008. It provides for an opportunity to resolve a host of problems with regards to regional integration in Eastern and Southern Africa. The overall aim of this study is to explore the prospects and challenges towards realising the Tri-partite Free Trade Area&nbsp / (T-FTA) in and for Africa. This study is pragmatic and implicitly seeks to uncover how the T-FTA could contribute to the African Regional Integration Project (ARIP), given the challenges that&nbsp / regional integration face in Africa. Regional integration has a long and rich history in Africa, which started at thehave been weak since the start and persist in its superficial nature with littledevelopmental impact. The reasons for the lack of meaningful integration in Africa are wide-ranging and span national, regional and system level analytical viewpoints. They encompass&nbsp / areas such as developmental levels, political will, respect for regional architecture, overlapping membership and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). These factors impact on the&nbsp / integration process in Africa and explain in varied ways why there has been little comprehensive economic integration. The starting point was to define the complex concept of regional integration. The dominant factors that define and affect regional integration in this study are that it is a state-based exercise, driven by economic integration, and influenced by the global political economy of the day. It was determined that Africa has adapted its regional integration strategies according to the shifts and influences in the global political economy on states,&nbsp / emanating from the post WWII period to the present day. The mpact of the global economy on Africa since independence was great and is viewed impact on the integration process. Regional integration is essentially a state to state&nbsp / pursuit for integration. Essentially, regional integration is being pursued by states that are still struggling to consolidate statehood, and this leaves little space to move towards a regional approach. However, given the dynamics of a globalised world, regional integration as a strategy is no longer questioned in Africa and is an important component of its developmental agenda. Clarifying the T-FTA was important, and this was done in order to highlight what the tri-partite initiative is and is not. This provided for an opportunity to&nbsp / investigate what the dominant areas are that have informed the emergence of the tri-partite process. The former was found to be largely economic in nature, focusing on harmonising the trade&nbsp / regimes of COMESA, EAC and SADC as a primary motivation. The tri-partite initiative will facilitate and encourage the harmonisation of trade regimes by stressing market integration,&nbsp / infrastructure development and industrialisation, coupled by a developmental approach. This is promising, as the tri-partite initiative seeks to simultaneously deal with many issues that have&nbsp / been commonly associated with the problems that regional integration face in Africa. When viewing the negotiating context, as well as the principles upon which it is to be based, indicate though, that Africa still favours individual state interest that will be hard to reconcile given that the tri-partite region currently has 26 participant states. In terms of economic integration, the T-FTA&nbsp / seeks to put new generation trade issues on the agenda by including services, movement of persons as well as trade facilitation, all of which have been found to be important in realising a&nbsp / trade in goods agenda that is the focus of regional integration in Africa. Analysing the grassroots realities of the market integration pillar offered some valuable insights towards the purposes&nbsp / of this study. The market integration pillar is inundated with challenges, with Rules of Origin (RoO) being the primary challenge towards consolidating the trade in goods agenda on a tri-partite&nbsp / level. New generation trade issues are going to be equally difficult to realise, given that they have no implementation record in the individual Regional Economic Communities (RECs). Promising though is that trade facilitation has already seen positive results by resolving non tariff barriers in the regions.Infrastructure development is equally challenging, although it provides&nbsp / a significant opportunity to create better connectivity (physical integration) between states. In lot of pan-African goals that directly feed into initiatives of the African Union (AU) pillar has not as yet created any concrete tri-partite plans, so it remains to be seen what can be achieved. Ideally, industrialisation is viewed as the pillar that will solve the supply-side constraints of African&nbsp / economies hence, strengthening the trade in goods agenda in the regions. Even though the T-FTA has practical challenges to implementation, there are at least two underlying factors that&nbsp / indirectly affect the prospects of realising the tripartite initiative. The EPAs are an emergent threat in that they run parallel to tripartite negotiations / and respect for a rules based integration process, are issues that warrant consideration. Fundamentally, in order to achieve a successful T-FTA will require a shift in the way business is done in African integration. African states need&nbsp / to realise that their national interests are best served through cooperation, in meaningful ways. Inevitably this requires good faith as well as ceding some sovereignty towards regional goals. Thus, there is a risk that the T-FTA not realised. The fundamentals of political will, economic polarisation and instability have to be resolved. This will lay an appropriate foundation for the&nbsp / tripartite initiative to be sustainable, with developmental impact. </p>

The trade agenda has undergone significant transformations during the last 25 years. Negotiations have moved from the reciprocal reduction of tariff barriers to include the construction and harmonization of regulatory frameworks in different policy areas, while trade liberalization has simultaneously advanced at the regional and multilateral levels.This research explores under what conditions the launch of trade negotiations - symmetric (South- outh), asymmetric (North-South), and multilateral - have a differential impact on domestic governance. Based on a systematic and contextualized comparative analysis of the complex constellation of domestic actors and interests, and the relationships and interactions established among them in a particular institutional setting, our study argues that these different trade agendas generate diverse policy dynamics. Findings show that the variation in the scope of the agenda, the uncertainty of political outcomes, and the technical requirements attached to these negotiations have important consequences for the ways in which domestic state and non-state actors define their interests and collective action strategies. / La agenda comercial ha sufrido importantes modificaciones durante los últimos 25 años. Las negociaciones han pasado de la reducción recíproca de tarifas a la construcción y armonización regulatoria en distintas áreas de política, mientras que la liberalización comercial ha avanzado simultáneamente a nivel regional y multilateral.Esta investigación explora bajo qué condiciones el lanzamiento de negociaciones comerciales - imétricas (Sur-Sur), asimétricas (Norte-Sur) y multilaterales - tiene un impacto diferente sobre la gobernanza doméstica. A través de la comparación sistemática y contextualizada de la compleja constelación de actores e intereses domésticos, y de las relaciones e interacciones establecidas entre ellos en un determinado escenario institucional, nuestro estudio plantea que estas distintas agendas generan diferentes dinámicas políticas. Los resultados muestran que la variación en el alcance de la agenda, la incertidumbre de los resultados políticos, y los requisitos técnicos de estas negociaciones tienen importantes consecuencias sobre la manera en que los actores estatales y no estatales definen sus intereses y estrategias de acción colectiva.