Orientador: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano / Resumo: Nos anos 2000, impulsionados pelas crises econômicas na região e pela resistência dos movimentos sociais, diversos governos progressistas foram eleitos na América Latina. Com isso, os processos de integração regional na América do Sul e Latina se intensificaram com a criação de novas institucionalidades e com a expansão da agenda para novos temas, além da tradicional agenda comercial. A Central Única dos Trabalhadores foi fundamental para contraposição aos blocos comerciais que se conformavam nos anos 1990 e, posteriormente, para eleição e construção dos governos de Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014). Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo avaliar a importância da participação social desse ator para as mudanças institucionais que ocorreram no Mercosul durante os governos progressistas no Brasil. Para tanto, este trabalho discute a importância de ampliarmos as reflexões teóricas sobre a relevância da sociedade civil nos estudos de integração regional e de relações internacionais, pois a ação dos atores sociais impacta diretamente o processo de formulação política, visto que o Estado é uma relação social e não um ator central e racional. O estudo analisa as transformações institucionais do Mercosul que não propiciaram alterações no seu processo decisório, nem possibilitaram a superação histórica do déficit democrático da estrutura institucional do bloco. Com base em entrevistas e na análise de documentos oficiais da Central Única dos Trabalhadores, a dissertação... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In the 2000s, driven by economic crises in the region and the resistance of social movements, several progressive governments were elected in Latin America. As a result, regional integration processes in South and Latin America have intensified with the creation of new institutions and the expansion of the agenda for new themes, in addition to the traditional trade agenda. The Central Única dos Trabalhadores was fundamental for opposing the commercial blocs that were formed in the 1990s and, later, for the election and construction of the governments of Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014). In this sense, this research aims to evaluate the importance of social participation of this actor for the institutional changes that occurred in Mercosur during the progressive governments in Brazil. To this end, this paper discusses the importance of broadening the theoretical reflections on the relevance of civil society in studies of regional integration and international relations, as the action of social actors directly impacts the process of political formulation, since the state is a not a central and rational actor. The study analyzes the institutional transformations of Mercosur that did not allow changes in its decision-making process, nor made possible the historical overcoming of the democratic deficit of the bloc's institutional structure. Based on interviews and analysis of official documents of the Central Única dos Trabalhadores, the dissertation evaluates the synd... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: En la década de 2000, impulsados por las crisis económicas en la región y la resistencia de los movimientos sociales, varios gobiernos progresistas fueron elegidos en América Latina. Como resultado, los procesos de integración regional en América del Sur y América Latina se han intensificado con la creación de nuevas instituciones y la expansión de la agenda para nuevos temas, además de la agenda comercial tradicional. La Central Unitaria de los Trabajadores fue fundamental para oponerse a los bloques comerciales que se formaron en la década de 1990 y, más tarde, para la elección y construcción de los gobiernos de Lula da Silva y Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014). En este sentido, esta investigación tiene como objetivo evaluar la importancia de la participación social de este actor para los cambios institucionales que ocurrieron en el Mercosur durante los gobiernos progresistas en Brasil. Con este fin, esta disertación discute la importancia de ampliar las reflexiones teóricas sobre la relevancia de la sociedad civil en los estudios de integración regional y relaciones internacionales, ya que la acción de los actores sociales impacta directamente el proceso de formulación política, ya que el estado es una relación social, y no es un actor central y racional. El estudio analiza las transformaciones institucionales del Mercosur que no permitieron cambios en su proceso de toma de decisiones, ni hicieron posible la superación histórica del déficit democrático de la estructura institucio... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

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委內瑞拉為世界第五大的石油輸出國，且同為石油輸出國家組織的創始會員國之一。石油是委內瑞拉最為重要的產業與經濟活動，而委內瑞拉因石油而富，亦因石油而貧，委內瑞拉所依賴的石油一直以來猶如兩面刃般深刻的影響委內瑞拉的政治、經濟與社會。 　　1992年政變失敗的陸軍中校查維茲打著激烈改革的口號，於1998年贏得委內瑞拉總統大選，終結支配委內瑞拉政治長達50年的「協定民主」，為委內瑞拉的歷史打開了新的一頁。對於查維茲而言，委內瑞拉的石油不但是國家主權獨立的象徵，同時亦應用於國際政治中重要的地緣政治武器。因此，查維茲上台後，便積極展開石油改革計畫，強化對國內石油產業的控制權，重整委內瑞拉國營石油公司，並利用石油收入進行社會發展計畫。此外，配合近年來國際油價的高漲，查維茲在區域與國際政治舞台上，運用委內瑞拉豐富的石油蘊藏與龐大的石油收入，進行合縱連橫，攏絡盟友並且試圖削弱美國的影響力。 　　本研究採用K. J. Holsti所提出的個人、國家、體系與全球四個分析層次作為主要分析架構，以求對於查維茲政權能源政策做出全面性的探討。此論文假設查維茲政權能源政策的發展，決策者為核心因素，藉由在個人層次上，透過決策者個人研究，以求對查維茲個人政治理念有通盤的了解，並探討如何影響委內瑞拉能源政策之發展。再者，選取在國內、體系中對委內瑞拉能源政策影響較深的因素，解釋查維茲政權在這些因素影響下，產生何種政策輸出？最後，探討近年來全球能源環境的變遷與重要的發展趨勢，作為影響查維茲政權能源政策的重要中介因素，解釋全球能源環境的變化與發展對查維茲能源政策有何影響？ / Venezuela is the fifth-largest oil exporter in the world, also, one of the funding members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. In Venezuela, most industries and economic activities are dominated by Petroleum sector, a “double edged sword” which brings both positive and negative effects, and deeply influences the political, economic and social conditions in Venezuela. In 1998, the former lieutenant colonel, Hugo Chávez, who had organized an unsuccessful coup in 1992, seized the power as president in the election with the claim of “radical reformation”. The result in 1998 presidential election terminated the nearly fifty-year long “pacted democracy” and create a unprecendented prospect on Venezuela’s history. To Chávez, the oil is not only the symbol of independence of national sovereignty, but also a useful geopolitical weapon in the field of international politics. Therefore, Chávez began his oil reformation: strengthen the state control to the oil industry, reorganize the national oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela, SA, PDVSA, and use the income to facilitate the social policy. Moreover, due to the reason of oil price surging in recent years, the abundant oil reserve and its’ enormous output value enable Chavez to expand his power base and also to put his intention of striking the influence of United State in both regional and international stage to practice. This study adopts K. J. Holsti’s four levels of analysis – individual, state, system and global, as the analytic framework to this research. In this study, the individual level is assumed as the core factor of the energy policy development under the Chávez regime. Chavez’s political ideas and how it influences Venezuela’s energy policy would be examined through the study of his leadership. Furthermore, taking important factors influencing energy policy in both domestic and international level into account, what policies output related to the above factors had Chavez made? Last but not the least, a discussion of global energy environment change in recent years would be made for explaining how it acts as the intermediary factors which influence the energy policy of Chávez regime.

Southern Africa generally has an arid climate and many hydrologists are predicting an increase in water scarcity over time. This research seeks to understand the implications of this in socio-political terms. The study is cross-disciplinary, examining how policy interventions can be used to solve the problem caused by the interaction between hydrology and demography. The conclusion is that water scarcity is not the actual problem, but is perceived as the problem by policy-makers. Instead, water scarcity is the manifestation of the problem, with root causes being a combination of climate change, population growth and misallocation of water within the economy due to a desire for national self-sufficiency in agriculture. The solution lies in the trade of products with a high water content, also known as 'virtual water'. Research on this specific issue is called for by the White Paper on Water Policy for South Africa. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Southern Africa generally has an arid climate and many hydrologists are predicting an increase in water scarcity over time. This research seeks to understand the implications of this in socio-political terms. The study is cross-disciplinary, examining how policy interventions can be used to solve the problem caused by the interaction between hydrology and demography. The conclusion is that water scarcity is not the actual problem, but is perceived as the problem by policy-makers. Instead, water scarcity is the manifestation of the problem, with root causes being a combination of climate change, population growth and misallocation of water within the economy due to a desire for national self-sufficiency in agriculture. The solution lies in the trade of products with a high water content, also known as 'virtual water'. Research on this specific issue is called for by the White Paper on Water Policy for South Africa. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)