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The purpose of this study is to investigate three pertinent aspects of the relative clause in Korean: the form-function of the relative clause, the processing of the head-final relative clause and the acquisition of relative clauses as a second language. Based on universal typology, this study proposes that the linguistic category of the descriptive verb lies between the attributive adjective and the verb. With this identification, the study claims that the modifying ending -(u)n has the prototypical semantic function of the perfective aspect. The perfective aspect is, however, interpreted differently according to the verb types and this provides a solution to the form-function distinction: when the descriptive verb is suffixed by -(u)n, the attributive adjective expresses a permanent state; with the processive verb the relative clause denotes the completion of action or process. The analysis of the linear ordering of elements in the verb phrase reveals that grammatical morphemes are related in the strict grammatical rules, which progressively build up conceptualisation. Contrary to the views presented in previous studies, this study argues that incremental and left-to-right processing, the relative clause has semantic constraints on the head noun. The overall order of difficulty in the acquisition of relative clauses determined by a completion task, a combination task and a grammaticality judgment 'Oh OP>IO>SU>DO>GE, which does not accord with the Noun Phrase Hierarchy (NPAH). / The study finds that markedness theory and configurational analysis are also unable to explain the order exhibited in this study due to the head-final at characteristics of the relative clause. The processing ease is the main contributing factor for learners successfully performing the tasks by utilizing the mental lexicon, SOV canonical word order, case particles and temporal adverbs in sentence initial position. The study also evaluates the effectiveness of instruction and the merits of pedagogical grammar. Incorporating findings from the present study, some suggestions are made for the development of a pedagogical grammar for the relative clause in Korean.

This dissertation investigates the role of grammar and parsing in processing relative clauses across languages. A parsing theory called the Incremental Minimalist Parser (IMP), which parses sentences incrementally from left to right, is sketched based on the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 2001, 2005). We provide sentence processing evidence which supported a universal parsing theory that is structure-based. According to IMP (and other structure-based theories), a gap located at the subject position is more easily accessed than a gap located at the object position in both head-initial (e.g. English) and head-final (e.g. Mandarin) relative clauses. Experiment 1 (self-paced reading tasks) showed a processing advantage for Mandarin relative clauses that involved subject extractions over object extractions, consistent with the universal subject preference found in all other languages. Experiments 2 to 4 (naturalness ratings, paraphrasing tasks, and self-paced reading tasks) focused on possessor relative clauses. When the possessor gap was located at the subject position (i.e. in passives), a possessive relation was easier to construct than when the gap was located at an object position (i.e. in canonical constructions and sentences involving BA). The results of Experiments 1-4 suggested that processing accounts based on locality and canonicity, but not on syntactic structure, cannot account for the processing preferences of filler-gap relations in relative clauses. Experiment 5 (self-paced reading tasks) investigated whether the surface NVN sequence of relative clauses at sentence-initial positions induced garden path, and whether the animacy of the first noun in such sequences could rescue the garden path. Mandarin relative clauses involving topicalization of the embedded object were investigated. The results suggested that the surface NVN sequence did induce main-clause misanalysis (as Subject-Verb-Object). Even when the first noun was (semantically) an unlikely agent, the parser took it as a subject in the initial syntactic analysis. Semantics did not have an immediate effect on syntactic processing.

The structural complexity and the typological universals associated with relative clauses (RCs) have made the structure particularly interesting to linguists and second language acquisition (SLA) researchers. Currently, much controversy is found in RCs in East Asian Languages. This dissertation tests the syntactic status of "relative clauses" in Chinese and explores second language (L2) learners' processing and production of different types of Chinese RCs.In the theoretical part of the dissertation, I test whether Comrie (2002)'s proposal of analyzing putative relative clauses in East Asian languages as "attributive clauses" can be applicable to Chinese. From a review of syntactic literature and movement test, I argue that there are crucial differences between Chinese RCs and attributive clauses. Further, reconstruction effect suggests that A-bar movement takes place within gapped Chinese RCs. More specifically, following Sauerland (2000)'s proposal, I suggest that the derivation of Chinese RCs involves the movement of an operator taking a complex NP as its complement to the Spec of CP, and that complex NP matches with an external head outside the RC.Further, I examine the possibility of analyzing AdjP+DE structure as relative clauses, and examine the flexibility and effect of demonstrative and numeral-classifier positions and their relation with relative clauses.In the experiment chapter, I discuss results from three experiments that tested the relative degrees of difficulty for L2 learners among different types of RCs including Subject, Direct Object, Indirect Object and Object of Preposition relative clauses, I seek plausible linguistic and psycholinguistic proposals in explaining the performance data. The experiments include a self-paced word order judgment task, a written sentence completion task, and a written sentence combination task. It was found that the L2 acquisition of Chinese RCs is generally consistent with the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy (Keenan & Comrie, 1977), a typological generalization based on natural languages and a hierarchy that was found to be predictive of learners' order of acquisition in SLA studies of many other languages.

Previously existing computer analysis programs have been unable to correctly identify many complex syntactic structures thus requiring further manual analysis by the clinician. Complex structures, including the relative clause, are of interest in child language samples due to the difference in development between children with and without language impairment. The purpose of this study was to assess the comparability of results from a new automated program, Cx, to results from manual identification of relative clauses. On language samples from 10 children with language impairment (LI), 10 language matched peers (LA), and 10 chronologically age matched peers (CA), a computerized analysis based on probabilities of sequences of grammatical markers agreed with a manual analysis with a Kappa of 0.88.

Southern Sotho verbal relative clauses are, on discourse-pragmatic grounds, categorised as direct and indirect. The pragmatic factors that govern the occurrence of these two types of relatives within a particular discourse context are investigated. An analysis of relative clauses occurring in live conversations as well as in the dramas Bulane (Khaketla, 1983) and Tjootjo e tla hloma sese/a (Maake, 1992) reveals that direct relative clauses usually modify the reference of predicate nouns (i.e. nouns used as the complements of copulative predicates), while indirect relative clauses modify the reference of object nouns. Theories which suggest that both predicate as well as object nouns generally convey new information, but that the reference status of predicate nouns is non-specific indefinite, while that of object nouns is specific indefinite, are discussed. A hypothesis suggesting that there is an interrelationship between the reference status of a head noun and the type of relative by means of which it is qualified, is proposed. / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)

Southern Sotho verbal relative clauses are, on discourse-pragmatic grounds, categorised as direct and indirect. The pragmatic factors that govern the occurrence of these two types of relatives within a particular discourse context are investigated. An analysis of relative clauses occurring in live conversations as well as in the dramas Bulane (Khaketla, 1983) and Tjootjo e tla hloma sese/a (Maake, 1992) reveals that direct relative clauses usually modify the reference of predicate nouns (i.e. nouns used as the complements of copulative predicates), while indirect relative clauses modify the reference of object nouns. Theories which suggest that both predicate as well as object nouns generally convey new information, but that the reference status of predicate nouns is non-specific indefinite, while that of object nouns is specific indefinite, are discussed. A hypothesis suggesting that there is an interrelationship between the reference status of a head noun and the type of relative by means of which it is qualified, is proposed. / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)

<p>In this paper, relative clauses in King Alfred’s Old English translation of Gregory the Great’s Pastoral Care were examined using relative frequency as a tool to determine whether or not certain factors influenced the choice of relativization strategy. These factors include antecedent case, antecedent gender, antecedent number, distance, animacy, noun phrase type, case of relativized NP, and syntactic function.</p><p>The method involved gathering together all the occurrences of relative clauses using the Old English corpus and a Modern English translation. This process was not unproblematic as the correct translation from Old English to modern English sometimes was left to the discretion of the translator. Some clauses that were initially thought to be relative clauses were, in fact, not relative clauses. The components of each of the clauses were then examined and categorized after any problematic examples were discarded. Relative frequencies for each of the categories were calculated and chi-square tests were performed to check the reliability of the results.</p><p>The results of this paper were compared to another paper which did somewhat similar research to determine if the findings were consistent although that paper did not look at as many factors as this paper.</p>

This dissertation explores language comprehension in native speakers (NSs) and second language (L2) speakers of French. Recent findings suggest that whereas NSs process complex sentences using both syntax and semantics, late learners of a L2 process shallowly, relying on lexical, semantic, and pragmatic cues to interpretation. Studies supporting this Shallow Structure Hypothesis (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b) rely on limited methodologies, however, and are challenged by reports demonstrating proficiency and cognitive effects on processing. In addition, recent research suggests that native language comprehension is not always complete or accurate (Ferreira & Patson, 2007) and is subject to variability (Dabrowska, 2012). This dissertation brings new evidence to bear on NS-L2 differences through the structural priming paradigm and investigates several factors thought to contribute to NS-L2 differences, including the exploratory effect of relative language dominance. Evidence from a self-paced reading task examining off-line and on-line priming of relative clause attachment height suggests that prior exposure to structural information through comprehension influences NSs' subsequent comprehension at the post-interpretive stage. Results argue for priming at the level of abstract hierarchical syntax and an implicit learning account of persistence. This study is one of few to demonstrate priming of ambiguously attached modifiers during comprehension and the first to do so within a L2. Unlike for NSs, the nature of the L2 priming effect is linked to discourse information. Age of acquisition was found to be a more important factor in L2 priming than language dominance. The results also argue that both native and L2 speakers are susceptible to shallow processing, though they use slightly different strategies. While NSs in the current study were more willing to accommodate competing syntactic and semantic analyses, ultimately accepting a less-than-complete analysis, the L2 parsing mechanism preferred to settle on one interpretation. The evidence here lends partial support to the hypothesis that L2 processing relies more on semantic/pragmatic information than NS processing but crucially does not exclude the possibility of L2 syntactic processing and highlights NS-L2 similarities in terms of the contexts that trigger shallow processing. / text

Although the syntax of the left periphery of the Irish clausal architecture has been the subject of considerable research within the generative paradigm, many questions remain unresolved. The general goal of this thesis is to explore some of these understudied territories. Specifically, I consider two distinct, but ultimately related phenomena: headless relative clauses and dependent verbal morphology. I will make four major claims: The first two concern the syntax (and semantics) of the headless relative clause. First, despite the fact that the particles that appear in resumptive relative clauses and in headless relative clauses are morpho-phonologically identical as aN, headless relative clauses are derived by movement, not by means of resumption, and thus the particles in these two constructions are not the same. Second, headless relative clauses are amount relative clauses, in the sense of Carlson (1977); and thus I claim, adopting Grosu and Landman's (1998) notion of complex degree, that the element that undergoes A$'$-movement in a headless relative clause is a complex degree, causing degree-abstraction in the semantics. The maximalization operator then applies to the degree-abstracted relative CP. I argue that it is this operator that triggers the appearance of the particle aN in the headless relative construction. The latter two claims concern the morphosyntax of the left periphery of Irish syntax: First, I claim that there are two tense features in a single finite clause domain of Irish, and that the so-called dependent forms of irregular verbs are the surface realization of the two tense features. This account provides a stepping stone to my final claim that a feature agreeing with the maximalization operator, but not the operator itself, is realized in the headless relative particle aN and that the particles found in resumptive relative clauses and in headless relative clauses are in fact distinct Vocabulary Items and thus they are homophonous. This thesis thus fills a gap in the descriptive account of Irish syntax, and provides new insights to the theory of relativization.