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This dissertation investigates the role of grammar and parsing in processing relative clauses across languages. A parsing theory called the Incremental Minimalist Parser (IMP), which parses sentences incrementally from left to right, is sketched based on the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 2001, 2005). We provide sentence processing evidence which supported a universal parsing theory that is structure-based. According to IMP (and other structure-based theories), a gap located at the subject position is more easily accessed than a gap located at the object position in both head-initial (e.g. English) and head-final (e.g. Mandarin) relative clauses. Experiment 1 (self-paced reading tasks) showed a processing advantage for Mandarin relative clauses that involved subject extractions over object extractions, consistent with the universal subject preference found in all other languages. Experiments 2 to 4 (naturalness ratings, paraphrasing tasks, and self-paced reading tasks) focused on possessor relative clauses. When the possessor gap was located at the subject position (i.e. in passives), a possessive relation was easier to construct than when the gap was located at an object position (i.e. in canonical constructions and sentences involving BA). The results of Experiments 1-4 suggested that processing accounts based on locality and canonicity, but not on syntactic structure, cannot account for the processing preferences of filler-gap relations in relative clauses. Experiment 5 (self-paced reading tasks) investigated whether the surface NVN sequence of relative clauses at sentence-initial positions induced garden path, and whether the animacy of the first noun in such sequences could rescue the garden path. Mandarin relative clauses involving topicalization of the embedded object were investigated. The results suggested that the surface NVN sequence did induce main-clause misanalysis (as Subject-Verb-Object). Even when the first noun was (semantically) an unlikely agent, the parser took it as a subject in the initial syntactic analysis. Semantics did not have an immediate effect on syntactic processing.

Recent research into hemispheric differences in sentence comprehension has produced a puzzling disparity between the results from behavioral studies on neurologically normal individuals and studies utilizing other methods such as electrophysiology, neuroimaging and the investigation of neuropsychological patients. The former approach tends to produce results that indicate a restriction of the right hemisphere (RH) to lower-level processing mechanisms that are comparatively less sensitive to context than the left hemisphere (LH), while the combined findings of the latter approaches suggest that not only is the RH capable of processing language at a higher level, it is particularly sensitive to contextual information and, furthermore, this may form part of the special role of the RH in language tasks. Accordingly, the present series of studies employed a normal-behavioral approach to further investigate the underlying processing mechanisms of the RH during sentence comprehension tasks. In each of the four experiments, right-handed adult participants completed a computer-based lexical decision task where reaction time and error rates were recorded. Stimuli were always centrally-presented, followed by a laterally-presented target word or non-word. In the first experiment, the sensitivity of the RH to message-level meaning was investigated by assessing whether it benefits from additional contextual information in sentences that was not the result of simple word-level associations. The remaining experiments aimed to examine several current models of RH language processing; specifically, they examined the applicability of the coarse-coding hypothesis (Beeman, 1993) and the integrative processing model (Federmeier, 2007) to RH sentence processing. The combined results of the four experiments lead to several conclusions. Firstly, this series of investigation consistently demonstrated that the RH does display a sensitivity to message-level processing that appears to be at least equivalent to that of the LH. This conclusion is uncommon in the normal-behavioral literature, but is consistent with evidence produced by other methodologies. Secondly, the coarse-coding hypothesis is insufficient in explaining RH language processing at the sentential level. Although there is considerable evidence in support of the coarse-coding model of RH processing of individual words, the findings of the present investigations do not support its applicability beyond this level. Thirdly, the integrative/predictive distinction between RH/LH language processing also appears to have limited applicability beyond sentence fragments and may instead be reflective of higher-level processing differences (e.g., wherein the RH may utilize a para-linguistic situation-model processing method whereas the LH may rely purely on a linguistic mechanism). Based on these conclusions, the present series of investigations appears to have resolved the inconsistent finding previously prominent in normal-behavioral literature and goes some way in determining the applicability of current models of RH language processing.

Embodied accounts of action-language processing propose that meaning is constructed with the assistance of relevant sensory-motor representations (eg., Fischer & Zwaan, 2008). In support of this view, comprehending an action-sentence can slow the production of an overt action, when features of that action are incompatible with corresponding sentence features (Glenberg & Kaschak, 2002). Additionally, performing an overt action can impede the comprehension of incompatible action-sentences (Zwaan & Taylor, 2006). Action-sentence comprehension can even be disrupted by watching visual displays with incompatible directional features. Namely, comprehending a sentence describing a movement in a clockwise or counterclockwise direction is less efficient when simultaneously viewing a stimulus moving in an incompatible direction, even when no overt manual rotation action is performed. Embodied accounts contend that such action-sentence compatibility effects arise as a result of covert simulations of specific motor programs developed through one’s physical experiences with particular objects. I present evidence that these effects could also be generated by a more abstract type of knowledge, that is not tied to a particular object. I am referring here to the idea of a population stereotype, which is the natural tendency of people to associate the direction of certain actions with the conceptual properties of a physical display (e.g., a clockwise device rotation implies an increase in device output). Such population stereotypes typically are consistent with specific motor experiences. For example, turning down the volume of a stereo in many cases involves a counterclockwise rotation of a dial, and this experience is consistent with a population stereotype that implies that reducing a quantity is achieved by a counterclockwise action. If comprehension of a sentence describing reducing the volume on a stereo is faster while turning a dial in a counterclockwise direction, it can not be determined if a resulting compatibility effect reflects compatibility between the described action and the stereotype, or between the described action and real motor experiences. I will present a case in which a population stereotype is not compatible with everyday experiences and establish that population stereotypes make a substantial contribution to action-sentence compatibility effects. I will also report a number of unsuccessful attempts to replicate previous studies of action-sentence compatibility and discuss replication attempts made by others. / Graduate

Semantically reversible sentences, i.e., sentences wherein both characters can potentially perform the given action, have long been used to understand the various mechanisms involved in successful sentence comprehension. Over the decades, studies have established that sentences with non-canonical word-orders such as passive voice sentences are more difficult to process than canonical counterparts such as active voice sentences using psycholinguistic, neuroimaging, lesion-based, and more recently transcranial brain stimulation methods such as transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS). In addition to understanding the cognitive processes involved, these studies have also attempted to uncover the underlying neural correlates. Various parts of the frontal, temporal, and parietal lobes have been thought to be critical for different functions. In the recent years, the parietal regions have garnered considerable attention. In particular, various studies have found the intraparietal sulcus (IPS) to be involved in the comprehension of semantically reversible sentences, particularly when they have non-canonical word-orders. In this thesis, I attempted to build on this literature and further understand the role of the IPS in sentence comprehension. More specifically I followed-up on two TMS studies by Finocchiaro and colleagues that looked at reversible Italian active and passive sentences. Online repetitive TMS (rTMS) to the posterior portion of the left IPS (henceforth, l-pIPS) affected only the processing of passive sentences in both experiments. In fact, one of the studies also found an effect on ‘passive’ pseudosentences, thus, prompting the authors to suggest that the l-pIPS affects passive sentences irrespective of semantic meaningfulness. The authors concluded that this region is likely to be involved in sentence comprehension, particularly at the stage where thematic reanalysis, i.e., a revision of the initially ascribed thematic roles, occurs. However, these studies were unable to discern if these effects were seen on reversible passives due to their reversibility, passive voice, or the non-canonical word-order seen in passive sentences. They also raised questions regarding whether the region is important in processing only thematic reversibility or is also involved in comprehending reversible sentences without thematic roles (e.g., comparative sentences). I ran three experiments to better understand these factors. In Chapter 1 I summarise the literature on the comprehension of reversible sentences. I discuss findings from behavioural, lesion-based, neuroimaging, and TMS studies that have formed the basis of the current thesis. I conclude by bringing to attention some of the questions raised by these studies that I have attempted to answer in the subsequent chapters. In Chapter 2 I attempted to understand the role of passive voice and reversibility in reanalysis and sentence comprehension. To do this I used a sentence comprehension task while administering online rTMS to the l-pIPS. Participants performed a forced-choice task where they were required to read reversible and irreversible Italian active and passive voice sentences and identify either the agent or the theme in alternate blocks. The experiment showed an effect of rTMS only on reversible passive sentences. While these results are in line with the previous studies, they also draw attention to a critical aspect of comprehension of passive voice sentences. They suggest that passive voice in itself may be insufficient to trigger reanalysis. Instead, it is likely that reanalysis is triggered by the co-occurrence of numerous factors such as voice and reversibility. However, as with the previous studies, this study still does not clarify the role of non-canonical word-order or passive voice per se. In an attempt to distinguish between the two, I ran an rTMS experiment with a sentence-picture verification task in Chapter 3. The experiment used reversible active and passive voice sentences in Hindi. The advantage that Hindi offers in this regard is that both actives and passives are typically presented in the agent-theme-action order. Consequently, such passives may not require the reassigning of originally established thematic roles. Stimulation to the l-pIPS showed no effects on these actives or passives. Interestingly, these null results serve as supporting evidence (albeit, weak) that non-canonical word-order may be essential for thematic reanalysis. If passive voice alone, or even a combination of passive voice and reversibility were sufficient to engender reanalysis, stimulation should have had effects on the passives even in the absence of a non-canonical word-order (as seen in the stimuli of this experiment). Finally, I attempted to understand if the region was involved only in comprehending reversible sentences with thematic role assignment, or also played a role in reversible sentences without thematic role assignment such as comparative sentences (where one of the two characters is the owner of a given property/feature). To do this, I ran the final rTMS experiment reported in Chapter 4. Participants received online stimulation to the l-pIPS while performing a sentence-picture verification task. The stimuli sentences consisted of reversible Italian declarative active and passive sentences, and comparative of majority or minority sentences. Comparatives were used because unlike Italian actives and passives, both types of comparatives are identical in word-order and other morphosyntactic features. In an attempt to maintain the visual complexity across stimuli pictures, same pictures were used to depict the relationships in both declarative and comparative sentences. The results of this study are rather puzzling. Unlike previous studies no effects were found on passive sentences. In terms of the comparative sentences, a selective effect was seen on the ‘easier’ comparatives of majority. These results call into question previous findings which have found an effect on the more ‘difficult’ sentence type, i.e., the passives. The effect of TMS on the comparatives of majority indicates the involvement of the l-pIPS in sentence comprehension yet again. However, these results to do not clarify what specific features of a sentence the l-pIPS helps comprehend. Moreover, given the consistent effect of rTMS on reversible Italian passives in the previous experiments, and the effect on comparatives of majority, it is possible that the current results may have been confounded by the use of complex stimuli. Coupled with the findings from the Finocchiaro studies, this thesis establishes the role of the l-pIPS in sentence comprehension. In particular, the results of the two Finocchiaro studies and Chapter 2 suggest that the co-occurrence of passive voice and reversibility is essential for reanalysis. While the results of Chapter 3 concur with these findings, they also strongly indicate that these features must co-occur with a third factor, namely a non-canonical word-order, to trigger reanalysis. Lastly, the results of Chapter 4 clarify the l-pIPS’ involvement in sentence comprehension. However, it leaves the exact role of the l-pIPS unclear in comprehending reversible sentences without thematic role assignment. The current thesis has advanced our understanding of some key factors responsible for reanalysis, and its neural correlates. Future studies can aim to understand these factors better by exploiting parallel versions of the same sentence type, and by studying different sentence types in isolation. For example, Hindi passives can be presented in both agent-theme-action and theme-agent-action word-orders. Contrasting such versions may help answer questions pertaining to word-order. On the other hand, studying sentences like declaratives and comparatives in separate experiments or even separate sessions may help simplify stimuli, thereby giving us clearer results.

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Faculty of Arts School of Human and Community Development 0000613a Tel: 011 849 3853 / South African Speech-Language Pathologists are assessing and treating many adolescents with varying speech and language difficulties. This task is complicated by the fact that it is currently largely unknown what the language abilities of mainstream adolescents are. Some research has suggested declining language abilities, as well as significant effects of grade, gender and language background on cognitive academic language skills. As individuals grow older, the demands of the classroom environment become greater, forcing adolescents to use complex language skills in order to learn. This research paper aimed to assess the complex sentence comprehension abilities of a sample of South African adolescents, through the use of the Grammar/Listening subtest of the Test of Adolescent Language, developed by Hammill, Brown, Larsen, and Wiederholt (1980). Additionally, the effects of grade, gender, language, time spent reading for school and recreationally each week, number of television programmes watched per week, length of time spent playing computer or video games per day, preferred learning styles (group/alone and auditory/visual/both), most recent English and school report marks, and use of cellular telephones, were used to determine related factors and educational variables which might be linked to each other. Additionally, a working memory measure was included, in order to ascertain that this factor was not having a negative effect upon the comprehension scores. It was found that gender was an over-riding factor throughout the study. Females tended to do better on the complex sentence comprehension test, and also spent more time reading for school each week, obtained better English and school report marks, preferred to learn alone, and sent more sms’s. Males were only inclined to play more computer or video games per week. In opposition to the initial hypothesis that these learners would perform poorly on the TOAL subtest, it was found that participants generally performed within the average limits of the test. Correlations, one-way ANOVA’s, chi squared analyses and t-tests were performed for the secondary aims, in order to determine any relationships between the variables. Overall, though, gender was the key variable in the study, which is in line with other literature in the field. Home language and educational level had minimal effects. Further research has been recommended.

Im Zentrum der Arbeit steht die Frage, wie sechsjährige monolingual deutsche Kinder Sätze mit der Fokuspartikel nur interpretieren. In 5 Experimenten wurde untersucht, welchen Einfluss die Oberflächenposition der Fokuspartikel auf das Satzverständnis hat und ob die kontextuelle Einbettung der nur-Sätze zu einer zielsprachlichen Interpretation führt. Im Gegensatz zu den Ergebnissen bisheriger Studien (u.a. Crain, et al. 1994; Paterson et al. 2003) zeigen die Daten der Arbeit, dass die getesteten Kinder die präsentierten nur-Sätze zielsprachlich interpretierten, wenn diese in einen adäquaten Kontext eingebettet waren. Es zeigte sich weiterhin, dass die Kinder mehr Fehler bei der Interpretation von Sätzen mit nur vor dem Subjekt (Nur die Maus hat einen Ball.) als mit nur vor dem Objekt (Die Maus hat nur einen Ball.) machten. Entgegen dem syntaktisch basierten Ansatz von Crain et al. (1994) und dem semantisch-pragmatisch basierten Ansatz von Paterson et al. (2003) werden in der Arbeit informationsstrukturelle Eigenschaften bzw. Unterschiede der nur-Sätze für die beobachteten Leistungen verantwortlich gemacht. Der in der Arbeit postulierte Topik-Default Ansatz nimmt an, dass die Kinder das Subjekt eines Satzes immer als Topik analysieren. Dies führt im Fall der Sätze mit nur vor dem Subjekt zu einer falschen informationsstrukturellen Repräsentation des Satzes. Basierend auf den Ergebnissen der Arbeit und dem postulierten Topik-Default Ansatz wird in der Arbeit abschließend ein Erwerbsmodell für das Verstehen von Sätzen mit der Fokuspartikel nur entworfen und diskutiert. / Challenging previous accounts of children’s comprehension of focus particles, this study investigated how 6-year-old, German-speaking children interpret sentences with the focus particle nur(‘only’). Five experiments examined 1) whether the surface position of the focus particle has an impact on the sentence comprehension and 2) which role an adequate context plays for a target-like interpretation of a nur-sentence. It is known that in English, up to age 7, sentences with only are not interpreted adult-like. Crain et al. (1992) attributed errors to incorrect scope restrictions of the FP; Paterson et al. (2003) argued that children do not process the contrast information and instead ignore the FP. As oppose to previous research, the present data showed that German-speaking children interpret nur-sentences target-like if the sentences were contextually embedded. Furthermore, the results showed that children performed better on nur-object sentences like Die Maus hat nur einen Ball (‘The mouse has only a ball.’) than on nur-subject sentences like Nur die Maus hat einen Ball. (‘Only the mouse has a ball.’). This study argues that the asymmetry in the interpretation of nur-sentences stems from information-structural characteristics. In particular, I postulate the topic-default account which claims that children recognize the subject of the sentence as the topic by default. As a consequence, children assign an incorrect information structure to sentences with nur before the subject. Finally, based on the empirical findings of this study and on the topic-default account, an acquisition model for the comprehension of sentences with the focus particle nur is developed and discussed.

Os objetivos deste estudo foram correlacionar o desempenho de crianças com Distúrbio Específico de Linguagem (DEL) nas provas de memória de trabalho e de compreensão de sentenças e verificar, entre as duas provas de memória de trabalho utilizadas, qual a mais eficaz para discriminar crianças com DEL, quando comparadas a crianças com desenvolvimento típico de linguagem (DTL). Foram selecionadas 66 crianças, com idades variando de 37 meses (3:1 anos) a 131 meses (10:11 anos), divididas em três grupos de 22 crianças: um grupo experimental, de crianças com diagnóstico de DEL, e dois grupos controle, de crianças com desenvolvimento típico de linguagem e aprendizagem (DTLA). O primeiro grupo controle (n=22) foi pareado pela idade psicolinguística (GCIPL) e, o segundo (n=22), pareado pela idade cronológica (GCIC). A memória de trabalho foi obtida por meio das provas de repetição de pseudopalavras (PP) e de memória seqüencial para dígitos (ITPA DG), e a compreensão de sentenças por meio do \"Token Test\". A comparação entre o desempenho dos grupos foi realizada pelo teste \"t\" de Student, a correlação entre as provas de memória de trabalho e compreensão de sentenças foi realizada pela correlação de Pearson e, para verificar qual a melhor prova para discriminar as crianças com DEL, utilizou-se a curva ROC. As análises demonstraram que os sujeitos do grupo experimental apresentaram menor número de acertos nas três provas aplicadas (p<0,05). Foi encontrada correlação positiva entre as provas de memória de trabalho e a prova de compreensão de sentenças (PP --> r=0,42, p=0,049; ITPA DG --> r=0,74, p<0,001). Entre as duas provas relacionadas à memória de trabalho, a que demonstrou ter o melhor índice discriminatório de crianças com DEL foi a de pseudopalavras, com acurácia de 95%. Concluiu-se que houve correlação positiva entre a memória de trabalho e o aspecto da linguagem, compreensão, e que a melhor forma de discriminar crianças com DEL e crianças com DTL, entre as duas analisadas é a prova de pseudopalavras. / The objectives of this study was to correlate the children\'s performance with Specific Language Impairment (SLI) in the working memory and sentences comprehension tasks and to verify among the two working memory tasks used, which one is more effective to discriminate children with SLI, when compared to children with typical language development (TLD). It was selected 66 children with ages varying of 37 months (3:1 years) to 131 months (10:11 years), divided in 3 groups of 22 children, being one a experimental group of children with diagnosis of SLI and two control groups of children with typical development of language and learning (TDLA), being the first control group (n=22) matched by the psycholinguistic age (CGPLA) and the second (n=22) matched by the chronological age (CGCA). The working memory was obtained through the nonwords repetition (NW) and digit span (ITPA DG) tasks, and the sentences comprehension through \"Token Test\". The comparison among the groups performance was accomplished by the Student\'s t-test, the correlation between the working memory and sentences comprehension tasks was accomplished by the Pearson correlation, and to verify which one is the best task to discriminate the children with SLI, the ROC curve analyses was used. The analyses demonstrated that the experimental group subject presented smaller number of successes in the three applied tasks (p <0,05). It was found positive correlation between the working memory and sentences comprehension tasks (NW-->r=0,42, p=0,049; ITPA DG-->r=0,74, p <0,001). Among the two tasks regarding the working memory, the one that demonstrated to be the best discriminatory index of children with SLI was the NW, with accuracy of 95%. Therefore it is ended that there was positive correlation among the working memory and the aspect of the language, comprehension. And the best form of discriminating children with SLI and children with TLD, among the analyzed two, is the NW task.