Cette thèse propose une description du vietnamien en comparaison avec le français autour du phénomène de la relativisation, dans le cadre de la linguistique typologique et contrastive. Elle s’articule en deux parties. La première traite des questions préliminaires et du cadre typologique. Il s’agit de présenter quelques traits dominants de la langue vietnamienne, langue isolante, par rapport au français, langue flexionnelle, en passant en revue certaines notions de base en linguistique générale telles que sujet/sujet grammatical, thème/rhème, phrase/proposition et subordination/subordonnant. La notion de subordination sera ensuite introduite dans le cadre typologique adopté (Creissels 2006) pour la présentation de la relativisation translinguistique ainsi que pour l’analyse des relatives en français et en vietnamien. La seconde partie est consacrée à l’étude contrastive des relatives en français et en vietnamien, et cela, avec un double objectif. Le premier est de dégager, aux niveaux morphosyntaxique et fonctionnel, les propriétés de la relativisation en examinant la structure syntaxique du nom de domaine, les stratégies de relativisation, la Hiérarchie d’Accessibilité à la relativisation ainsi que les types de relatives. Le second est de mettre en évidence les particularités du fonctionnement du vietnamien par rapport au français, et plus spécifiquement, la relation minimale (Lemaréchal 1997) entre un nom et une relative et la polyfonctionnalité du relativiseur mà. Cette étude, qui se veut contribuer à la typologie de la relativisation, fournit une description systématique de la subordonnée relative dans une perspective typologique, et jamais une telle étude n’a été entreprise, à notre connaissance, en linguistique vietnamienne. / This thesis proposes a description of Vietnamese in comparison with French around the phenomenon of relativization in the frame of typological and contrastive linguistics. It is divided into two parts. The first part specifies the preliminary matters and typological framework. It presents some salient features of the Vietnamese language, an isolating language, compared to the French inflected language. It reviews some basic concepts in general linguistics such as subject / grammatical subject, theme / rheme, sentence / clause and subordination / subordinator. The notion of subordination is then introduced into the typological framework adopted (Creissels 2006) for the presentation of crosslinguistic relativization as well as for the analysis of relative clauses in French and in Vietnamese. The second part is devoted to the constrative study of the relative clauses in French and in Vietnamese with two objectives. The first objective is to identify the properties of relativization at the morphosyntactic and functional levels by examining the syntactic structure of the head noun, the strategies of relativization, the Accessibility Hierarchy for relativization and the typology of relative clauses. The second objective is to highlight the peculiarities of the functioning of Vietnamese compared with French, and more specifically, the Minimum relationship (Lemaréchal 1997) between a head noun and a relative clause and the polyfunctionality of the relativiser mà. This study, which aims at contributing to the typology of relativization, provides a systematic description of the relative subordination in a typological perspective, and never such a study has been undertaken, to our knowledge, in Vietnamese linguistics.

Com base nos princípios teóricos da teoria gerativa, este estudo analisa a produção escrita de relativas genitivas convencionais introduzidas pelo pronome relativo cujo. A hipótese central do estudo é a de que essas construções não resultam diretamente da gramática nuclear, construída na infância, no processo natural de aquisição da linguagem, mas resultam da gramática periférica, por meio do processo de escolarização (nos termos discutidos em Kato, 2005, com base na proposta de Chomsky, 1981). Através da experimentação, testou-se a produção de orações por alunos da 5ª série do ensino fundamental ao 3º ano do ensino médio. Visando verificar quais são as condições lingüísticas mais favoráveis ao uso da relativa genitiva convencional, focalizou-se a influência dos traços semânticos [± humano], [±masculino], [± plural] do NP conseqüente, e a função sintática do NP antecedente e do NP que contém o PP relativizado. Os resultados evidenciam a função sintática do nódulo que contém o PP relativizado como um fator intralingüistico relevante para determinar o comportamento dessa variante, bem como confirmam a influência do fator escolaridade na produção de orações relativas genitivas. / Inspired by the principles of the Generative Theory, this work aims to analyse the use of a standard construction with the relative pronoun cujo (whose). The hypothesis argued for in this thesis considers that these constructions are not derived from the core grammar, constructed during childhood, in the natural process of language acquisition. Instead, they result from peripheral grammar, through the scholarization process (as discussed by Kato, 2005, based on the studies of Chomsky, 1981). Through experimentation, sentences were tested with students from the fifth grade of primary education till the third grade of high school. In order to verify which are the most propitious linguistic conditions to the use of the standard genitive relative, we examined the influence of semantic traces [± human], [±masculine], [± plural] of the following NP, the syntactic function of the preceding PP, and the NP which holds the relativized PP. The results evidence the syntactic function of the node which holds the relativized PP as a relevant intralinguistic factor to determine the behavior of this variant, as well as they confirm the influence of the schooling factor in the production of genitive relative sentences.

The comparative method of variationist sociolinguistics has demonstrated that frequency changes are not reliable determinants of whether grammatical change is taking place. Frequency changes can be the result of extra-linguistic register changes, changes within the underlying grammar, or a combination (Szmrecsanyi, 2011; Tagliamonte, 2002). This work examines two variables known to vary along the written-to-spoken continuum — relative clause pronouns, and the genitive construction — across three registers of English and 100 years, with the goal of furthering our understanding of the relationship between spoken and written language. The s-genitive (i.e. Canada's government vs. the government of Canada) is on the rise in the 20th century (Hinrichs and Szmrecsanyi, 2007; Rosenbach, 2007). Statistical modeling confirms the press register leads this increase — a register change. Examination of internal linguistic constraints over time indicates simultaneous grammatical change, with the s–genitive increasing with certain inanimate subtypes. The WH-forms (who, which) of the relative pronouns have become increasingly restricted to written registers (e.g. Romaine, 1982; Tottie, 1997), leaving that as the variant used most for subject function in vernacular speech (D'Arcy and Tagliamonte 2010). Although who continues to be used for animates, which is shown to have lost any grammatical conditioning that it once had and to be undergoing lexical replacement by that for non-human subject antecedents. Unlike the genitives, though, examination of internal linguistic factors reveals no evidence of grammatical change. The methodology employed here provides a way to tease apart grammatical change from register change, with register-internal change shown to be a motivating factor in change from above. While the vernacular is ''the most systematic data for our analysis of linguistic structure'' (Labov, 1972a:208), it is not necessarily the most innovative, nor is it always the locus of change. With that in mind, this work provides a model of language change that integrates change across speech and writing.

The comparative method of variationist sociolinguistics has demonstrated that frequency changes are not reliable determinants of whether grammatical change is taking place. Frequency changes can be the result of extra-linguistic register changes, changes within the underlying grammar, or a combination (Szmrecsanyi, 2011; Tagliamonte, 2002). This work examines two variables known to vary along the written-to-spoken continuum — relative clause pronouns, and the genitive construction — across three registers of English and 100 years, with the goal of furthering our understanding of the relationship between spoken and written language. The s-genitive (i.e. Canada's government vs. the government of Canada) is on the rise in the 20th century (Hinrichs and Szmrecsanyi, 2007; Rosenbach, 2007). Statistical modeling confirms the press register leads this increase — a register change. Examination of internal linguistic constraints over time indicates simultaneous grammatical change, with the s–genitive increasing with certain inanimate subtypes. The WH-forms (who, which) of the relative pronouns have become increasingly restricted to written registers (e.g. Romaine, 1982; Tottie, 1997), leaving that as the variant used most for subject function in vernacular speech (D'Arcy and Tagliamonte 2010). Although who continues to be used for animates, which is shown to have lost any grammatical conditioning that it once had and to be undergoing lexical replacement by that for non-human subject antecedents. Unlike the genitives, though, examination of internal linguistic factors reveals no evidence of grammatical change. The methodology employed here provides a way to tease apart grammatical change from register change, with register-internal change shown to be a motivating factor in change from above. While the vernacular is ''the most systematic data for our analysis of linguistic structure'' (Labov, 1972a:208), it is not necessarily the most innovative, nor is it always the locus of change. With that in mind, this work provides a model of language change that integrates change across speech and writing.

Com base nos princípios teóricos da teoria gerativa, este estudo analisa a produção escrita de relativas genitivas convencionais introduzidas pelo pronome relativo cujo. A hipótese central do estudo é a de que essas construções não resultam diretamente da gramática nuclear, construída na infância, no processo natural de aquisição da linguagem, mas resultam da gramática periférica, por meio do processo de escolarização (nos termos discutidos em Kato, 2005, com base na proposta de Chomsky, 1981). Através da experimentação, testou-se a produção de orações por alunos da 5ª série do ensino fundamental ao 3º ano do ensino médio. Visando verificar quais são as condições lingüísticas mais favoráveis ao uso da relativa genitiva convencional, focalizou-se a influência dos traços semânticos [± humano], [±masculino], [± plural] do NP conseqüente, e a função sintática do NP antecedente e do NP que contém o PP relativizado. Os resultados evidenciam a função sintática do nódulo que contém o PP relativizado como um fator intralingüistico relevante para determinar o comportamento dessa variante, bem como confirmam a influência do fator escolaridade na produção de orações relativas genitivas. / Inspired by the principles of the Generative Theory, this work aims to analyse the use of a standard construction with the relative pronoun cujo (whose). The hypothesis argued for in this thesis considers that these constructions are not derived from the core grammar, constructed during childhood, in the natural process of language acquisition. Instead, they result from peripheral grammar, through the scholarization process (as discussed by Kato, 2005, based on the studies of Chomsky, 1981). Through experimentation, sentences were tested with students from the fifth grade of primary education till the third grade of high school. In order to verify which are the most propitious linguistic conditions to the use of the standard genitive relative, we examined the influence of semantic traces [± human], [±masculine], [± plural] of the following NP, the syntactic function of the preceding PP, and the NP which holds the relativized PP. The results evidence the syntactic function of the node which holds the relativized PP as a relevant intralinguistic factor to determine the behavior of this variant, as well as they confirm the influence of the schooling factor in the production of genitive relative sentences.

This thesis deals with a comparison of relative clauses in Czech and Spain language. The first part is devoted to the theoretical definition of the term "relative clause" in both languages and their comparison. In the second part the author performed a linguistic analysis of the Czech and Spanish comparable text with focuse on identification of the grammatical phenomena described in the theoretical part. This thesis is written in Czech language and includes a summary in Spanish.

Cette étude comparative porte sur les emplois interrogatif, percontatif, relatif (avec antécédent) et intégratif (sans antécédent) du pronom indéfini quoi en français et de ses équivalents mā et māḏā en langue arabe. Notre corpus est tiré de la littérature du XXe siècle, et plus particulièrement des romans et des pièces de théâtre de Margueritte Duras et de Marcel Pagnol pour le français, et de Naguib Mahfouz pour lʼarabe. Nous étudierons tout dʼabord les emplois de ces trois pronoms régis par leurs caractéristiques et leurs propriétés syntaxiques. Nous analysons le comportement syntaxique de mā et de māḏā dans leurs emplois interrogatifs en comparaison avec leur équivalent français quoi. Nous verrons notamment quʼil existe des points communs et des divergences entre les deux langues, plus particulièrement concernant leur autonomie syntaxique au niveau de leur position dans la phrase. Nous examinons également lʼemploi de quoi et de mā et māḏā dans la subordination, en tant que percontatifs, relatifs et intégratifs. Notre analyse montre que les différentes formes de la percontative sʼexpliquent par les caractéristiques propres aux trois pronoms. Pour les deux autres emplois, il existe des points de divergence entre mā et quoi, surtout au niveau de lʼantécédent utilisé pour le relatif. Quant à lʼemploi intégratif, mā, de par ses propriétés syntaxiques, admet plus de fonctions dans la phrase que son équivalent quoi. / This comparative study examines the interrogative, percontative, relative (with antecedent)and integrative (with no antecedent) uses of quoi the indefinite pronoun in French and itsequivalents mā and māḏā in Arabic. Our corpus is taken from twentieth century literature,especially novels and plays of Margueritte Duras and Marcel Pagnol for French, and NaguibMahfouz for Arabic. We first see how the uses of these three pronouns are governed by theircharacteristics and syntactic properties. We analyze the syntactic behavior of mā and māḏā intheir interrogative uses compared with their French equivalent quoi. We will see that there aresimilarities and differences between the two languages, especially regarding their syntacticautonomy in their position in the sentence. We also examine the use of quoi, mā and māḏā insubordination, as percontatifs, relatives and integratives. Our analysis shows that the differentforms of percontative are explained by the characteristics of the three pronouns. For the lasttwo uses, there are many points of divergence between mā and quoi, especially regarding thetype of antecedent being used. In terms of integrative use mā, through its syntactic properties,admits more functions in the sentence than its equivalent quoi.