Saudi Arabia, along with other Gulf oil monarchies, represents an original politico- economic system. Huge revenues in the form of oil rent, flowing to the Treasury since the oil boom in the early 70's, have fundamentally changed the socio-economic structure, which was in literature termed the rentier state. The origin, development and description of typical characteristics of rentier state are the main topic of this thesis. The first section discusses the theoretical foundations and approaches to the issue. The second chapter provides a historical background in order to position the study in the context of previous political, economic and ideological development. In an analysis of the formation of state structures, the work deals with the relationships between members of the ruling house of Saud, between the government and social elites, with functioning of clientelist structures and interactions within the bureaucratic apparatus. Based on the study of these relationships the thesis marks out particularities of the Saudi politico-economic system that distinguish it from the classical concept of rentier state model. The main distinctive feature is the diminished autonomous ability of state to regulate the functioning of state institutions and to encourage individual agencies to cooperate actively...

La Responsabilité Sociale des Entreprises (RSE) contemporaine au Nigériaest née de la crise des Ogonis dans les années 1990. Shell et d’autres compagniespétrolières, opérant dans le Delta du Niger, ont essayé de préserver leur réputation à lasuite de la crise, en se présentant comme des acteurs socialement sensibles. Depuis lors,la RSE est devenue une pratique et une politique courante dans les principaux secteurs del’activité économique nationale. Sa mise en oeuvre se traduit principalement par descontributions au développement local à travers la mise à disposition des infrastructuressocio-économiques de base. D'autres dimensions de la RSE ont été largement ignorées etrestent inappliquées. Pourtant, les entreprises, notamment les compagnies pétrolièresmultinationales, en reconnaissent d'autres aspects. Cette recherche examine donc lesraisons de cette disparité entre la conceptualisation et la mise en oeuvre de RSE dans lepays. Elle suggère que la RSE au Nigéria n’est pas seulement conditionnée par le cadrenormatif international et le contexte institutionnel local, mais aussi par les objectifs desacteurs impliqués. / The Ogoni crisis of the 1990s marked the debut of contemporary CorporateSocial Responsibility (CSR) in Nigeria. Shell and other oil companies operating in the NigerDelta tried to salvage their tarnished reputation in the wake of the crisis by presentingthemselves as socially responsive actors. Since then there has been a remarkableexpansion in CSR activities in the all key economic sectors of the country. These haveprincipally focused on contributing to local development through the provision of basicsocioeconomic infrastructures. Other dimensions of CSR have been largely ignored andremain unapplied. Yet enterprises, especially multinational oil companies, acknowledge thatthere are other aspects. This study examines the reasons for this disparity between theconceptualisation and the implementation of CSR in the country. This study suggests thatthe CSR is not only determined by contextual/institutional factors (local and international)but also by the objectives of actors involved.

Syftet med undersökningen var att med hjälp av lämpliga statistiska metoder testa det så kallade ”Första petropolitiska lagen” med vilket menas en negativ korrelation mellan priset på råolja och graden av friheten hos petropolitiska länder. Med stöd av ett lämplig teoretisk referensram och diskussion över de kausala mekanismerna, har en hypotes över sambandet tagits fram. Trettio tre petropolitiska stater har identifierats vilket omfattar hela populationen. Demokratiska friheter och priset på råolja har definierats och omvandlats till en kvantifierbar form och sedan testats statistiskt. Samtliga variabler har kodats i form av tidsserieobservationer och en paneldata har konstruerats innehållande totalt 939 årliga observationer för de trettio tre petropolitiska länder. Den aggregerade sambandet över hela populationen har testats med en OLE regressionsanalys med så kallad ”first-order” autokorrelation med panelspecifika standardavvikelser. Den första petropolitiska lagen har även testats individuellt för varje petropolitisk land som ingick i urvalet. Erhållen resultat från aggregerat regressionsanalys tyder på att det föreligger ett svagt, med 95 % statistiskt signifikant, positiv samband mellan den beroende och den oberoende variabeln. När sambandet testades enskilt för varje land, har endast 16 av 33 länder fått signifikanta korrelationsnivåer. Fem av länder visade en negativ samband medan elva länder visade en positiv samband mellan beroende och oberoende variabler. Hypotesen har därmed kunnat falsifieras. Förklaringsgraden, samt autokorrelationsproblem tyder dock på att en mer omfattande analys krävs för att kunna säkerställa erhållna resultat. / The purpose of this study was to, with proper statistical methods, investigate so called ”The First Law of Petropolitics”. The First Law of Petropolitics postulates that there exists a negative correlation between price of oil and pace of freedom in the oil-rich petrolist states. A hypothesis has been formulated based on appropriate theoretical references and a discussion about its causal mechanisms. Thirty three petropolist states have been identified which comprises the whole population. The pace of freedom and the price of oil has been defined and transformed into a quantifiable measure and tested statistically. Variables were coded into a time-series panel-data form which included 939 annual observations for those thirty three petrolist states. The aggregated correlation between dependent and independent variables has been tested with an OLE regression analysis with so called “first-order autocorrelation with panel-specific standard errors”. The first law of petropolitics also has been individually tested for each petrolist state. The results from the aggregate regression suggest that there exists a weak, with 95 % statistically significant, positive correlation between a dependent and an independent variables. When each petrolist state has been regressed individually the results showed that only 16 of 33 states had significant levels of correlation. Five of those states had a negative correlation, while other eleven states had a positive correlation. The hypothesis has therefore been falsified. The low R2 –value obtained in both tests and autocorrelation problems suggest that a further investigation of the First Law of Petropolitics is necessary in order to secure the obtained results.

Diplomová práce - abstrakt Dulovcová Iva Abstract The main objective of this Master thesis is to test the hypothesis that economic dependence on the export of minerals allows the monopolization of power and thus reduces the possibility of democracy. The hypothesis will be tested on cases of mineral economies in Peru, Bolivia and Chile. The hypothesis is based on the resource curse theory, which assumes a negative relationship between the presence of natural resources, their export, and level of democracy. In this thesis I expanded this theory with mineral economies factor, therefore beyond purely petroleum countries. Another expansion of the theory lies with international dimension that strongly influences events in selected countries. The thesis will analyze cases of Peru, Bolivia and Chile, especially role of natural resources in these countries, but also economic results and role of democracy in selected countries. In this thesis I use qualitative and quantitative elements. Economic and political development will be analyzed on the basis of process analysis method and method of dependence on previous development. The validity of theoretical concept for these cases will be tested on the basis of the compliance method. Quantitative part of the thesis will be based on causal mechanisms designed by Ross. By...

For decades, the two biggest oil producers in the Middle East have been Saudi Arabia and Iran, two autocratic states that are also rivals in the region. With time, oil revenues have lowered and public discontent has risen. Through the use of a qualitative, comparative case study, this Bachelor’s Thesis aims to examine how the economic, social and political development in these countries has been affected by the oil revenues. From the theoretical viewpoints of Rentier State Theory and Assabiyya, the study concludes that oil revenues, as a considerable source of national income, has created undiversified economies in both Saudi Arabia and Iran. This has caused demands for economic, social and political change, leading to different responses from the respective states. Saudi Arabia has begun to diversify its economy to create several sources of income. The country has also initiated to loosen up its strict religious social codes in the public sphere. This is in contrast to Iran, where the government faces significant financial deficits and has started to exploit its population to compensate for the strained public economy. Additionally, no indication of political reforms towards a more democratic system of governance is seen in any of the two states.

The following paper analyses the similarities and differences as well as the motives and strategies of the demonstrations in Iran which occurred in 2017/2018 and since September of 2022. The findings are discussed using the Rentier State Theory. A pure comparative analysis is not made, rather a case study with the demonstrations as two components. The demonstrations that started in September 2022 is ongoing as of the writing of this paper, despite this are several findings made. Similarities are seen in the participating people between the years, as well as some recurring cities. The biggest differences are the longevity of the demonstrations despite interventions of the regime, the greater unity amongst socioeconomic groups in the ongoing demonstrations as well as the grievances of electoral frauds leading up t. The motive of 2022 is more focused on revolution instead of the reforms of 2017, these differences is however partly uncertain. The strategies were in the beginning similar, with taking of the headscarf as a more prominent action in the demonstrations of 2022. Many of the underlying grievances can be discussed via the Rentier State Theory, for example the democratic deficit and economic hardships. The details and observations are several, but the main conclusion is how the ongoing demonstrations are greater in both numbers, motives, and strategies. The theory is found useful to explain this phenomenon of instability and grievance between state and civilians.

Les guerres civiles en Afrique sont multiples, désastreuses et multicausales. Cependant les analyses privilégient fréquemment les causes identitaires liées à l‟ethnique ou à des faits historiques. Il est proposé ici, une analyse différente par une approche économique. Si au sens de l‟économie classique ou néoclassique, les ressources naturelles sont une dotation constituant un avantage absolu ou comparatif, en Afrique, elles contribuent à alimenter les guerres intra-étatiques pénalisant ainsi tout effort de développement. L‟exploitation d‟uranium au Niger, loin de permettre une performance économique grâce aux revenus qu‟elle génère, représente a contrario une double source de « malédiction » : Conforme au « syndrome hollandais » accompagné de la médiocrité économique qui le caractérise mais constitue également un enjeu autour duquel se fonde la rébellion armée. / The civil wars in Africa are multiple, disastrous and multicausal. However analyses privilege frequently the identical causes connected to the ethnic or to the historic facts. It is proposed here, a different analysis by an economic approach. If in the sense of the classic or neo-classic economy, natural resources are an endowment constituting an absolute or comparative advantage, in Africa, they contribute to feed the intra-state wars punishing any effort of development. The exploitation of uranium in Niger, far from allowing an economic performance thanks to the income which it generates, represents a double source of "curse": in compliance with the "dutch disease" accompanied with the economic mediocrity which characterizes it but also constitutes a stake in which bases the armed rebellion.

This thesis analyses Persian Gulf states foreign policies development and a position of the region in international relations using a collective case study. At the theoretical level the thesis works on the elements of (neo) realism, (neo) liberalism and social constructivism. The analysis is focused on security context and examines both challenges to internal security (regime and government, Shia expansion, the so called Arab spring, media) and external security (the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Syrian conflict, terrorism, globalization and oil market developments). In the regional security complex of the Gulf are involved interests of the three main world powers, U.S.A., Russia and China. Regional cooperation in the GCC organization and mutual relations of the Gulf States are important, too. Based on the findings it is possible to assert that the development of the region is dynamic and depends on the oil rents.