<p>Chapter 1: Forcing Consent: Information and Power in Non-Democratic Elections. Why do governments hold elections that lack credibility? What explains variation in repression levels across non-democratic elections? While the literature has suggested many explanations for elections in autocracies, it has not yet provided a theory that would explain both the incidence of non-democratic elections and the variation in their degree of competitiveness. In this paper, we build an informational model of non-democratic elections explaining when elections may stabilize an autocrat's rule and when they may fail to do so. We argue that to achieve stability, elections must yield a sufficiently high vote-share for the incumbent and be optimally repressive. The degree of optimal repression is shown to increase with the incumbent's expected popularity. The model is then applied to explain some stylized facts about non-democratic elections and to derive a set of novel research hypotheses about the effects of non-democratic elections, variation in electoral repression, and fraud technology. We test the chief implication of the model using an original dataset on political arrests in the Soviet Union. We find that even if elections present no choice, they reduce the expression of anti-government sentiments. </p><p>Chapter 2: A Ballot Under the Sword: Political Security and the Quality of Elections in Autocracies. What explains the democratic quality of elections outside established democracies? We argue that when a government does not have to convince the opposition of its wide support in the society, it holds repressive elections. Conversely, when a government needs to send a strong signal about its popularity, it takes a riskier strategy of holding more competitive, and hence more informative elections. Using cross-national panel data, we find that the incumbents facing political insecurity -- measured through the incidence of economic crises and coup threats -- tend to hold higher quality elections than their more secure counterparts. In addition, via structural equation modeling, we find evidence that economic crises affect the quality of elections only indirectly through increased political insecurity. These findings reject the conventional view that autocrats use electoral repression when they are afraid of losing due to low expected support. This analysis has important implications for modernization theory and for understanding the role of political and economic instability in the democratization process.</p><p>Chapter 3: The Calculus of Dissent: Rigged Elections, Information, and Post-Election Stability. Why do some elections result in concession speeches while others spiral into protests, riots, and conflicts? This paper draws attention to the informational content of the electoral process and its outcome. We argue that elections induce stability when they communicate that the winners are truly popular and derive several novel predictions as to when such communication can succeed or fail. First, unfair elections lead to instability only if they are won by slim margins. Second, excessively large victory margins increase instability \emph{irrespective} of the unfairness of elections. The theory is then applied to explain the incidence of post-election protests across the world and the patterns of mandate denial in sub-Saharan Africa. We find that structural conditions (e.g., poverty and ethnic diversity) contribute little to post-election instability. Instead, the quality of elections and their results affect post-election politics in an interactive and non-linear fashion as predicted by the model. </p><p>Chapter 4: An Experimental Study of Fraudulent Elections and the Post-Election Protests. How can a winner of elections marred by fraud and voter intimidation convince the loser that he has large support in the society? Using an experimental setting, this paper studies how the information about election results and the competitiveness of the electoral process affect citizens' beliefs about the true popularity of the government and, subsequently, the success of a protest. We theoretically derive and evaluate the following hypotheses: (1) There will be no information update if elections are sufficiently manipulative and are won with great margins; (2) There will be positive updating in elections with medium levels of manipulation and high vote margin for the government; (3) There will be negative information updating if elections are highly manipulative but do not yield high margin for the government. We find relatively strong support for the first two hypotheses but none for the last one. The study also points to difficulties in studying rigged elections experimentally. The first difficulty has to do with the heterogeneity of the experimental population and the second one with the operationalization of electoral manipulation in a laboratory environment.</p> / Dissertation

The orange bread mold Neurospora crassa is a useful model for the study of filamentous fungi. One of the asexual reproduction cycles in N. crassa, macroconidiation, can be induced by several environmental cues, including glucose starvation. The rco-3 gene is a regulator of sugar transport and macroconidiation in N. crassa and was proposed to encode a sugar sensor (Madi et al., 1997). To identify genes that are functionally related to RCO-3, three distinct suppressors of the sorbose resistance phenotype of rco-3 were isolated and characterized. The dgr-1 mutant phenotypically resembles rco-3 and may be part of the rco-3 signaling pathway. Epistatic relationship among rco-3, dgr-1 and the suppressors were carried out by analyzing rco-3; dgr-1 and sup; dgr-1 double mutants. These analyses indicate that rco-3 is epistatic to dgr-1. A cDNA microarray containing 1363 N. crassa genes was generated to examine the transcriptional response of wild type cells grown in the presence of glucose or starved for glucose for two hours. Comparing N. crassa profiling data with the published diauxic shift data from S. cerevisiae (DeRisi et al., 1997) revealed that S. cerevisiae and N. crassa share a similar, but not identical, transcriptional response pattern for genes belonging to central carbon metabolism. The microarray results indicate that N. crassa utilizes glucose through fermentation and respiration simultaneously in aerobic culture, a finding that is consistent with previous measurements of ethanol production and enzyme activities in N. crassa. The same microarray was used to examine the transcriptional response to glucose status in rco-3 and dgr-1 mutants. The two mutants display similar expression patterns for most of the genes on the microarray supporting a close functional relationship between them. In addition, I identified a high affinity glucose transport gene in N. crassa, whose transcription is under the control of glucose, rco-3 and dgr-1.

The objective of this study was to investigate the relationship between the revised Repression-Sensitization Scale and perceived parental behavior as measured on the Short Form Children's Reports o' Parental Behavior: An Inventory. The purpose of this study was to examine previous findings and to attempt to isolate additional factors associated with later neurotic disturbances.The results of the present investigation support earlier findings suggesting that the Repression-Sensitization Scale is linearly associated with neuroticism and personal maladjustment. A significant difference was found between repressors and sensitizers and perception of their parents behavior. The findings indicate that parents of repressors are more accepting then parents of sensitizers. Furthermore, sensitizers were found to have experienced a home environment characterized by family conflict and discord.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2007. / Title from file title page. Paul Schmidt, committee chair; LeeAnne Richardson, Murray Brown, committee members. Electronic text (203 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Oct. 18, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-203).

This dissertation analyses the domestic implementation of the repression of violations of International Humanitarian Law. Through this analysis it seeks to clarify the obligations placed on States under International Humanitarian Law to ensure an effective and workable system for the repression of violations. In assessing these obligations, this dissertation attempts to highlight the importance of an effective system that is properly implemented in a timely manner. It is shown that the obligations placed on States are not burdensome and are outweighed by the advantages of proper implementation. This dissertation demonstrates these advantages through a case study of Uganda where the consequences of the failure to implement an effective system of repressions of violations of International Humanitarian Law are documented. Practical solutions that may assist in remedying the defective system to repress violations in Uganda are provided. It is argued not only for the need to properly implement an effective system of repression of violations, as required under International Humanitarian Law, but for the need to implement a system that goes beyond that which States are legally obliged to do. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Public Law / unrestricted

Repression is the expected response to anti-government protest; however, leaders can also accommodate demonstrators. Committing to human rights treaties is considered in this environment, where treaty commitments are conceptualized as a policy concession that leaders can grant dissenters. Past research has shown that top-down domestic pressures, such as new democratic regimes, can influence treaty commitments. This article extends this line of research by considering the influence of bottom-up domestic pressure, arguing that nonviolent, pro-democracy movements can pressure leaders into concessions, as these movements are risky to repress but threatening to ignore. Leaders are expected to seek ‘cheap’ accommodations, and commitments to human rights treaties provide a relatively low-cost concession that also addresses demonstrators’ pro-democracy demands. Using commitments to the nine core UN human rights treaties, results are generally supportive. Governments experiencing a nonviolent, pro-democracy movement are consistently likely to sign human rights treaties. Ratification is also likely but in more limited contexts, and is more closely related to movement success. This suggests that bottom-up pressures can influence commitment to human rights treaties, but there may be little substance behind those concessions. The status quo and cost-averse preferences of leaders lead them to grant accommodations that result in minimal change and cost.

Submitted by Caroline Falcao (caroline.rfalcao@ufpe.br) on 2017-06-19T16:37:17Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) 2012-Dissertacao-Alexandre-Silva.pdf: 4857829 bytes, checksum: 319f4fdbb8eec771d1befd3d66ae7454 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-19T16:37:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) 2012-Dissertacao-Alexandre-Silva.pdf: 4857829 bytes, checksum: 319f4fdbb8eec771d1befd3d66ae7454 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-31 / A presente dissertação estuda o município de Palmares a partir de três eixos: a sociedade construída para atender a produção do açúcar; a luta dos trabalhadores rurais para formar as Ligas Camponesas, sindicatos e partidos de esquerda e o fechamento do sindicato com o golpe de 1964. O sindicato dos trabalhadores rurais deu continuidade às lutas iniciadas na década de quarenta e, tiveram na reforma agrária uma de suas reivindicações, experimentando no Congresso Camponês seu ápice. Ao mesmo tempo, procurou estender aos trabalhadores rurais os direitos alcançados pelos operários da indústria, combateu o analfabetismo e incentivou ampla participação política dos trabalhadores rurais. No que tange ao aspecto teórico, as obras de Karl Marx servem de referência aos atores sociais, mesmo que de modo velado em todas as discussões de apoio às argumentações. Em Palmares a luta de classe pode ser considerada a moldura sobre a qual foi travada uma disputa, interrompida com o golpe militar que, por sua vez, fechou o sindicato, prendeu seus membros e cassou mandatos políticos. As fontes utilizadas foram: os arquivos do Tribunal Regional do Trabalho, 6ª Região, disponíveis para a pesquisa, graças a um acordo entre o departamento de História da Universidade Federal de Pernambuco e a Justiça do Trabalho; o Arquivo Público do Estado de Pernambuco Jordão Emerenciano, e seu anexo DOPS; os arquivos da Fundação Joaquim Nabuco. Houve, ainda, pessoas que testemunharam o movimento dos trabalhadores rurais e, gentilmente colocaram-se a disposição, contribuindo para a preservação da memória das lutas dos trabalhadores rurais. / This dissertation studies the city of Palmares from threeaxes: a society builtto meetthe productionof sugar,the struggle offarm workersto formpeasant leagues, labor unions and leftist partiesand the closureof the unionwiththe 1964 coup. Therural workers unioncontinued thebattles startedin the forties, and hadland reformone of itsclaims, the CongressPeasantexperiencingits apex. At the same time, sought to extendto rural workersrightsachieved byindustrial workers, foughtilliteracyand encouragedbroadpolitical participationof rural workers.Regarding thetheoretical aspect, the works ofKarlMarxserve as reference forsocial actors, even soveiledin all discussionsto supportarguments. InPalmaresclass strugglecan be consideredthe frameover whicha disputehas beenwaged, interrupted bythe military coupwhich, in turn, ended theunion, its membersarrestedandstrippedpolitical mandates. The sources usedwere: the archives ofthe Regional Labor Court, 6th Region, available for research, thanks to an agreement between the Departmentof Historyat the Federal University of Pernambuco and the Labour Court, the Public Archives of the State of Pernambuco Jordan Emerenciano, DOP Sandits annex; Fundação Joaquim Nabuco. There were alsopeople who witnessedthe movementof rural workers and kindly putupthe layout, contributing to preserving the memory of the struggles of farm workers.

The purpose of this study is twofold: firstly, to analyse the manner in which surrealist art may correlate with a hysterical mode of representation; and secondly, to develop this understanding of the relation between hysterical representation and surrealism into an interpretative framework for the analysis of the contemporary artworks of the South African artist, Mary Sibande. I characterise hysteria as a mode of representation where repressed traumatic knowledge and repressed desire is articulated in an indirect and cryptic manner, by means of fantasy and through the register of the body. By undertaking a comparative analysis of hysteria and surrealism, I determine the various ways in which surrealism may coincide with and comprise a form of hysterical representation. I aim to demonstrate that surrealist artists do not only borrow from the iconography of hysteria, but that their artworks frequently emulate the structure of the hysterical symptom and that their portraits often reflect a hysterical form of subjectivity. In this study I therefore demonstrate, firstly, that hysterical representation may underlie the surrealist artwork inasmuch as such an artwork comprises an enigmatic and indirect representation of repressed traumatic impressions and desire, where repressed psychical content is articulated predominantly by means of fantasy and through the body; and, secondly, that this structure also underlies the artworks of Mary Sibande. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2016. / Visual Arts / DPhil / Unrestricted

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(農学) / 甲第19761号 / 農博第2157号 / 新制||農||1039(附属図書館) / 学位論文||H28||N4977(農学部図書室) / 32797 / 京都大学大学院農学研究科応用生命科学専攻 / (主査)教授 三上 文三, 教授 加納 健司, 教授 喜多 恵子 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Agricultural Science / Kyoto University / DFAM

The current study examined the impact of expert witness orientation (researcher or clinical practitioner) and type of testimony (testimony for the prosecution, for the defense, for both prosecution and defense, and no testimony) on mock jurors‟ decisions in a sexual abuse trial. Participants read a summary of a sexual abuse criminal trial based on recovered memory; the summary included expert witness testimony (varied across participants based on the conditions described above). Participants then completed a juror decision making task. Results showed that expert witness testimony provided by a researcher did not impact mock jurors‟ guilt ratings any differently than the expert witness testimony provided by a clinical practitioner. However, type of testimony had a significant effect on jurors‟ guilt ratings. The prosecution witness expert testimony influenced mock jurors‟ decision in favor of the prosecution and testimony by a defense expert influenced the jurors‟ decisions in favor of the defense.