Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o conceito de individualidade dentro das representações literárias de perspectiva ideológica sionista e os seus desdobramentos na formação social israelense tendo como referência dois textos da literatura hebraica: Efraim volta à alfafa, de S. Izehar e Uma certa paz, de Amós Oz. A partir do conceito de individualidade proposto por Adorno, analisaremos a hipótese de que o caráter particular do novo hebreu constrói-se mediante a sua subjugação a uma sociedade autoritária que o transforma em sujeito esfacelado e frustrado ao lançar sobre ele a centelha de um pensamento que o divide entre si e o mundo. / The aim of this project is to investigate the concept of individuality within the literary representations of the Zionist ideological perspective and its consequences in Israeli social formation with reference to two texts of Hebrew literature: Efraim goes back to alfafa of S.Izehar and A perfect peace of Amos Oz. Based on the concept of individuality proposed by Adorno, I analyse the hypothesis that the particular character of the New Hebrew Man is built upon his subjugation to an authoritarian society that transforms its members and turns them into shattered and frustrated individuals by means of a system of thought that establishes a divide between themselves and the world.

This thesis takes a discursive-rhetorical approach to becoming vegetarian and vegan. Previous studies have pointed to complexity and variety in definitions, types and criteria of vegetarianism, making `objective' studies difficult. Meat is also one of the most highly prized but ambivalently valued foodstuffs. The cultural and social meanings of diet in terms of `identities' are well established but the rhetorical approach taken here explores identity as accomplished through social practices of accounting. Rather than seeing variation and disagreement as problematic, analytic focus is on the complex and varied construction of social categories/identities in accounts and the practices of justification and criticism. Cultural ambivalences are recast as dilemmas of identity and account-giving. Diary and serial interview `case-material' was collected from 23 new and aspiring vegetarians and vegans. Participants' accounts are shown to handle a number of dilemmatic aspects of vegetarian/vegan identity; notably, a dilemma of moral superiority and a dilemma of abstinence. These dilemmas are discussed in terms of stereotype-avoidance, commitment, and the co-construction of self and Other. Such identity-management is argued to fundamentally involve relationships. Seen as contexts, texts and resources for account-giving, relationships highlight both local and biographical elements in self-construction, the inter-dependence of selfnarratives/ identities and the need for managing them, especially when identities are changed. A number of other rhetorical resources and practices used in the management of identity are also drawn out, including the discourses of lapsing, desire and temptation and accounts of suppression and repression. The management of dilemmas of accounting through presenting the self as ambivalent, conflicted and divided is underlined. Following recent work by Billig (e. g., 1999a), ambivalence and repression are further considered as discursive activities as well as claims. This leads to a discussion of identity, contradiction and repression in terms of prohibition, desire and transgression. It is suggested that becoming vegetarian or vegan may be characterised as a matter of narrating autobiographical change and the continued negotiation of various dilemmas of identity. Social psychological theories of identity and identity change are criticised and the importance of argumentation, ambivalence and commitment are emphasised. The value of a more `populated' case-study perspective within discursive psychology is also stressed and the study of discursive avoidance and repression is illustrated and recommended.

Interferon regulatory factor-1 (IRF-1) is a transcription factor and tumour suppressor, involved in many diverse cellular processes including immune responses and growth regulation. An interesting feature of IRF-1 is that it can both activate and repress gene expression, possibly by acting with co-activator or co-repressor proteins. In a previous phage display assay, a homologous peptide to the known repressor protein, zinc finger 350 (ZNF350), was found to bind to the C-terminus of IRF-1. ZNF350, also known as ZBRK1 (Zinc finger and BRCA1-interacting protein with KRAB domain-1), is a member of the Krüppel-associated box (KRAB)-containing zinc finger (KZF) proteins, which is a group of the widely distributed transcriptional repression proteins in mammals. ZNF350 has previously been shown to repress the expression of a number of genes including ANG1 and GADD45A, often in complex with other proteins. This study confirms the direct interaction between IRF-1 and ZNF350 and identifies key residues, including the LXXLL repression motif within the C-terminus of IRF-1, necessary for the binding interface. The two proteins have additionally been shown to interact within a cellular environment, shown by using techniques including immunoprecipitation and a proximity ligation assay. In addition, the ZNF350/IRF-1 complex formation appears to occur in the basal state of the cell, as opposed to in response to cellular stress such as viral infection or DNA damage. On the basis of ZNF350 being a negative regulator of transcription, a novel technique was developed to identify putative targets of both ZNF350 and IRF-1. This involved an initial bioinformatics screen using candidate IRF-1 binding site data obtained from CENTIPEDE, an algorithm that combines genome sequence information, with cell-specific experimental data to map bound TF binding sites. This allowed for the identification of novel target genes that contained the ZNF350 consensus binding site, GGGxxCAGxxxTTT, within close proximity to an IRF-1 consensus site, such as the immune response gene IL-12A. Lastly, a peptide phage display screen was combined with high-throughput sequencing to identify other potential binding partners of ZNF350 and perhaps help to understand the mechanism by which transcriptional repression is controlled by complex formation.

The question of loyalty in autocratic regimes has drawn a sustained scholarly interest, especially with the resilience of many of these regimes over most of world history and over the past few decades in particular. Autocratic leaders need to secure the support of their militaries to survive in office and to minimize the risk of a coup. Among the commonly employed mechanisms in this regard is the extension of extra-budgetary financial rewards, including ‘Military-Owned Businesses (MOBs).’ Nevertheless, under the increasingly significant threat of an uprising from below, military defection remains the key for the success of the revolution. The question then becomes: under what conditions would a military defect from an autocratic ruling alliance? Although many answers have been proposed to solve this puzzle, an increasing number of cases are proving them insufficient. Alternatively, this project presents one novel answer to this question, which is: militaries are “defection-proofed” in the face of mass uprisings when they develop financial dependency on the regime. By contrast, when the management of the extra-budgetary resource for the military, i.e. MOBs, becomes the exclusive domain of the military and independent from the regime, the military is expected to defect. This proposed hypothesis represents a contribution to the democratization literature, both its installation, i.e. underlining a ‘pro-democracy’ capacity of the military in removing the dictator, as well as its consolidation, i.e. handling the legacy of the autocratic regime after the transition. This hypothesis is tested comparatively against the cases of mass protests in China (1989), Indonesia (1998), Thailand (2006), Iran (2009), and Egypt (2011). This comparative analysis represents another contribution of this study, bringing together a diverse array of cases unexpected to have much in common. Analysis draws on a mix of both primary resources collected from the field along with secondary materials. The comparisons are made considering the type of civil-military relations in each case, the size and type of financial rewards controlled by the military, and their effect, if any, on its decision to repress or defect based on the interaction between the military and the dictator.

Similarly to many governments around the world, the Mubarak regime of Egypt was hostile to the activities of civil society. Following the Revolution of 2011 in Egypt, the members of civil society organizations and activists in general were expecting an improvement of their working conditions. However, despite the promises made by the new president, conditions have worsened and the repression has increased. Pressurized by harsher restriction, the civil society needs to create strategies to ensure its survival. This study aims to understand what sorts of strategies are required under a repressive environment. The conceptual frame of this study was grounded on several articles that researched several relevant areas. These concepts were the repression, the civil society in Egypt, and the state – civil society relationship. In researching these behaviours, the goal was to understand the patterns of such environments, which are not usually present in western society. The core of the research process concerned the gathering of qualitative data through interviews with members of the Egyptian civil society. The results of the research provide a model that should be replicated with data from other repressive countries in order to ensure its accuracy. This model is based on four major strategic goals that are vital to the survival of a civil society under oppressive regimes. These four goals are fulfilled by behavioural choices that are influenced by the repression’s context. These behavioural choices illustrate the way civil society strategizes and eight of them could be isolated. Mapping the four goals against the eight BCs demonstrate two aspects. The BCs have a tendency to overlap when it comes to their strategic objectives, meaning that one behavioural choice can contribute to several strategic goals. However, this mapping also showed that some goals were sufficiently fulfilled by the BCs. The main issue is the cut of funding and this restriction has not been dealt with in an efficient way by the civil society. This problem needs follow ups and international funds and grant providers should be aware of these sanctions. Moreover, the lack of understanding the government has of the advantages of civil society should also be investigated. Indeed, the research shows that this hostility mainly comes from the government perceiving civil society as a threat.

Liberté de l'information et de la communication considérée comme la pierre angulaire d'autres libertés fondamentales garanties dans toutes les sociétés qui favorisent la consolidation de la «règle de droit» et «démocratie». Cette donne n'a pas laissé indifférents les états noirs d'Afrique, qui ont proclamé cette liberté fondamentale garantie dans leurs constitutions nationales. L'étude sur la prévention et la répression des violations de la liberté de l'information et de la communication dans les Etats de Afrique noire francophone fait partie d'une perspective de droit comparé. Il s'agit de la mise en œuvre de mécanismes de prévention et de répression au niveau international, régional et dans chacun des États concernés. En effet, les attaques contre les citoyens et les acteurs des médias sont nombreuses : les agressions physiques et les assassinats perpétrés, les violences contre les journalistes, la censure et l'interdiction de paraître, les dommages à la propriété des médias et de la communication. Mais aussi les atteintes à l'honneur, la considération des autres et des affaires publiques sont souvent commises dans l'exercice de la liberté de l'information et de la communication. Par conséquent, il est nécessaire d'assurer la protection des victimes et des lecteurs multimédias portant loyalement sur leur travail social et professionnel. Cette protection implique à l'échelle internationale, la mise en place des organes de contrôle créés par les instruments internationaux de caractère universel, culturel et régional. Entre les Etats africains, il s'agit de la mise en œuvre des mécanismes et des mesures visant à assurer la prévention et la répression des infractions appropriées. L'analyse des mécanismes mis en place pour protéger cette liberté conduit au problème de leur efficacité et leur efficience. Cependant, il semble que les mécanismes et les mesures prévues comportent des aspects positifs et négatifs qui ont besoin d'envisager des réformes essentielles. Ce qui implique une meilleure prévention et à la répression des violations de l'exercice de cette liberté dans les États de l'Afrique noire francophone. Cette étude est divisée en deux grandes parties centrées dans une perspective analytique première porte descriptive et compréhensive sur la prévention des violations de la liberté de l'information et de la communication (première partie), puis la répression des infractions à l'exercice de cette liberté (Partie II). / Freedom of information and communication considered the comerstone of other essential freedoms guaranteed in all societies that promote the consolidation of the "role of law "and" democracy." This gives did not leave indifferent the black states of Africa, who have proc1aimed this fundamental freedom guaranteed in their national constitutions. The study on the prevention and punishment of violations of freedom of information and communication in the states of black francophone Africa is part of a comparative law perspective. It involves the implementation of preventive and repressive mechanisms at international, regional and each of the States concerned. Indeed, attacks on clt1zens and media players are numerous: physical and assassinations perpetrated violence against journalists, censorship and prohibition of forthcoming; damage to property and communication media. But also attacks on the honour, consideration of others and public affairs are often committed in the exercise of freedom of information and communication. Therefore, it is necessary to ensure protection of victims and media players loyally carrying their social and professional job. This protection implies intemationally, setting in motion mechanisms of the monitoring bodies established by international instruments of a universal character, cultural and regional. Among African states, it involves the implementation of appropriate mechanisms and measures to ensure the prevention and punishment of offenses. The analysis of the mechanisms established to protect this freedom leads to the problem of their effectiveness and efficiency. However, it appears that the mechanisms and measures planned abound positive and negative aspects that need to consider essential reforms, better prevention and suppression of violations of the exercise of that freedom in the states of black Francophone Africa. This study is divided into two parts centred in a descriptive and comprehensive analytical perspective first door on the prevention of violations of freedom of information and communication (First Part), and then the punishment of offenses the exercice of this freedom (Part II).

Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o conceito de individualidade dentro das representações literárias de perspectiva ideológica sionista e os seus desdobramentos na formação social israelense tendo como referência dois textos da literatura hebraica: Efraim volta à alfafa, de S. Izehar e Uma certa paz, de Amós Oz. A partir do conceito de individualidade proposto por Adorno, analisaremos a hipótese de que o caráter particular do novo hebreu constrói-se mediante a sua subjugação a uma sociedade autoritária que o transforma em sujeito esfacelado e frustrado ao lançar sobre ele a centelha de um pensamento que o divide entre si e o mundo. / The aim of this project is to investigate the concept of individuality within the literary representations of the Zionist ideological perspective and its consequences in Israeli social formation with reference to two texts of Hebrew literature: Efraim goes back to alfafa of S.Izehar and A perfect peace of Amos Oz. Based on the concept of individuality proposed by Adorno, I analyse the hypothesis that the particular character of the New Hebrew Man is built upon his subjugation to an authoritarian society that transforms its members and turns them into shattered and frustrated individuals by means of a system of thought that establishes a divide between themselves and the world.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.