No

The object of this thesis is to consider the conceptions of Dissociation and Repression with a view to determining in what way, if any, the processes are related to one another. These two conceptions have played a part of unrivalled importance in modern psycho-pathology, but no satisfactory attempt seams to have bean made to determine the exact nature of their relationship to one another. The conclusions reached in this thesis regarding their relationship constitute, so far as the writer is aware, an original contribution to the subject.

No description available.

Repression is a function of many types of states, employed from autocracies to democracies, and anything in between. However, transitional states, those between autocracy and democracy show significantly higher levels of repression than other states. In other studies, research has been done to understand what can be a limitation to repressive activity, and promote democratization. In the case of the post-Soviet state, there have been significant systemic issues that have stalled democratization and allowed it to avoid these limitations. Corruption, consolidation of power into one supermajority party, reliance on electoral manipulation, and passionate development of a national identity all contribute to this problem. As Russia pursues its goals of being a great power, it has exposed itself to globalization and moderating factors. In fact, Russia has accepted western principles on certain rights topics, and implemented positive policies domestically, and supported some human rights legislation at the UN. From this involvement in globalization, Russia may experience the transformative pressures it needs to overcome systemic and structural problems.

Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies / Andrew G. Long / This dissertation advances the study of civil war by addressing the means through which states’ police forces may affect the probability of civil war onset. I improve upon extant work on civil war and state capacity by considering the ability of police to act autonomously from the state and operate as a distinct element of the state’s security sector. The project consists of four substantive chapters. One chapter addresses the role of police capacity in preventing civil war and determines that simple measures of police strength do influence the probability of civil war onset. Also, anocracies require a greater number of police to prevent civil war. The next chapter tests whether police repression could lead to civil war by creating grievances among the populace. Tests of this hypothesis determine that while police repression can increase the probability of civil war, it is not as powerful a predictor as state repression overall. The third chapter looks at the effect of the mode of organization of police forces and contains two contrasting hypotheses. The first proposes that police force centralization increases the probability of civil war onset by increasing the likelihood that the state and police view the utility of employing repression more favorably. The other proposes that centralization reduces the probability of civil war onset by making the police more effective. Nevertheless, neither hypothesis yields significant outcomes when tested. The final chapter employs two case studies about the experience of police serving as military during a civil war. I find that in both cases, police service in what are typically military functions did tend to make the police more repressive after the war, which contributed to reoccurrence by giving dissidents a cause around which to rally and by reducing the dissidents’ perceptions of the utility of non-violent means of protest. I conclude the study with a summary of the major findings, suggestions for further study, and recommendations for policy makers.

Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi / This project involves the examination of Kurdish nationalism in regard to the formation, transmission, and materialization of political memory. Focusing on developments of the 20th and 21st century, this analysis contextualizes the mobilization of Kurdish political consciousness within the modern forces of globalization, digital technology, mass media, and international governance. Substantial attention is paid to the role of radio, TV, and the Internet in the processes of national imagining and political discourse. NGOs and superstate institutions like the UN are also examined, as they play a fundamental role in integrating human rights language and sub-national movements like the Kurds. Additionally, the ways in which these developments are manifested through public spaces of memory provide insight into the parameters and aspirations undergirding Kurdish national identity. This project seeks to claim that traditional definitions and typologies of nationalism are insufficient, and that the nation, seen as a community of memory, provides better access points to understand how nations are created in the modern age. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Scholar of the College. / Discipline: Political Science.

Based on longitudinal qualitative research, the paper analyses manifestations and mechanisms of the repression of activists of the Spanish protest movement 15M, and effects of this repression perceived by activists. To contextualize this, the background of the movement, its goals, and its achievements are described. The movement started in 2011, protesting the social crisis, the consequences of austerity policies, and corruption. It had viable effects on the framing of the current situation, in political attitudes and also, indirectly, on the political system. The Spanish government has responded to movement activities with repression and with new laws that interviewees characterize as a further restriction of the civil right to demonstrate and protest. Findings indicate that the combination of overt and covert repression have effects far beyond the manifest acts of the repression itself.

<p>I den här studien analyseras olika faktorers påverkan på utvecklingen av islamistiskt våld under 70-, 80- och 90-talet i Egypten. Syftet är således att skapa större förståelse kring varför den egyptiska staten fick möta detta ökade militanta motstånd. Undersökningen består av en kombinerad kvalitativ och kvantitativ analys av vetenskapliga undersökningar, rapporter och annan akademisk litteratur. Resultatet visar att den arab-israeliska konflikten har haft stor betydelse för det islamistiska missnöjet, samt att repression och ett auktoritärt styre möjligen bidrar till våldsamma politiska metoder.</p>

I den här studien analyseras olika faktorers påverkan på utvecklingen av islamistiskt våld under 70-, 80- och 90-talet i Egypten. Syftet är således att skapa större förståelse kring varför den egyptiska staten fick möta detta ökade militanta motstånd. Undersökningen består av en kombinerad kvalitativ och kvantitativ analys av vetenskapliga undersökningar, rapporter och annan akademisk litteratur. Resultatet visar att den arab-israeliska konflikten har haft stor betydelse för det islamistiska missnöjet, samt att repression och ett auktoritärt styre möjligen bidrar till våldsamma politiska metoder.

The aim of this bachelor's thesis is to submit the character of Grey in Mo Hayder's novel, The Devil of Nanking to a Freudian reading with focus on repression and trauma and their impact on sexual development and obsessive behavior. The analysis of to what extent Grey's past and present experiences form the cornerstone to her mental and sexual development including repression and obsession will be based on Sigmund Freud's psychoanalytic theories. The claim is that Grey's obsessiveness and sexuality can be explained and seen in terms of a Freudian view of trauma resulting in repression.