A tese aqui exposta dedica-se ao estudo e à maior compreensão da política norte-americana. Mais especificamente, dedica-se ao estudo da suposta polarização partidária e ascensão conservadora Republicana no período recente. Tratados como fato pela literatura especializada, o estudo aqui feito trata esses dois fenômenos como hipóteses a serem testadas. Desse modo, por meio de uma maior apreensão do que se entende por ideologias políticas como Conservadorismo e Liberalismo no contexto dos Estados Unidos, bem como de uma metodologia que privilegia o uso de plataformas nacionais como indicativo de retrato ideológico partidário; esse estudo busca evidenciar empiricamente aproximações e/ou distanciamentos entre os partidos políticos e, consequentemente, a ascensão ou o declínio de ideologias tal como o Conservadorismo no que tange ao Partido Rebublicano. Através de indicadores de gradação, rede e frequência de palavras a partir das plataformas nacionais de ambos os partidos políticos (Democrata e Republicano) no período entre 1936 a 2012; se busca evidenciar de modo mais empírico esses dois fenômenos. Os resultados nos indicam que, de fato, há uma polarização partidária no período recente; no entanto, essa não é única na história desse país. Da mesma forma, percebe-se que há uma ascensão conservadora por parte do Partido Republicano, sobretudo no que diz respeito a certas categorias de análise tal como as questões sociais. / The work exposed here is dedicated to the study and to a greater understanding of the North-American politics. More specifically, intends to study the suposedly recent party polarization and Republican conservative ascendancy. Treated as a fact by the specialized literature, the study here done treats these two phenomena as hypothesis to be tested. As such, through a greater understanding of ideologies such as Conservatism and Liberalism in the context of the United States, as well as a methodology that favors the use of national platforms as an indicative of party ideological portrait; this work seeks to empirically evidence points of similiarities and differences between the political parties and, as a consequence, the ascent or decline of ideologies such as Conservatism in reference to the Republican Party. Through indicators of gradation, wordtree and word frequency from the national platforms of the two political parties (Democratic and Republican) between 1936 and 2012; this work seeks to evidence in a more empirical way these two phenomena. The results show us that, indeed, there is a party polarization in the recent period; nevertheless, this is not the only one in the history of this country. In the same way, it can be perceived that there is a conservative ascendancy by the Republican Party, especially when dealing with some categories of analysis such as social policies.

The purpose of this paper will be to look into the election returns to find some of the factors which have caused the trend of voters shifting away from the Democratic party towards the Republican party in presidential elections.

This study as a whole does not pretend to be in any way an introduction of information new or novel, but is intended only as a distillation of facts well known, but largely un-assembled in the specific fashion here attempted. Relative to the Republican campaign against the Alien and Sedition legislation, however, it would appear that perhaps there has been a certain amount of misunderstanding. It is hoped that the treatment herein accorded this matter may in some way contribute to an improved insight.

The efforts of Republican congressional leaders to secure passage of civil rights measures during the 1960's will be emphasized in this thesis. Also, an effort will be made to present objectively the views of Republican congressional leaders toward civil rights measures and to show how they contributed, in the day-to-day legislative proceedings, to the passage of these measures.

Republicanism, a long-standing ideology, which embodied political liberty, virtue, and constitutional law, shaped America’s political culture from the country’s inception. The Republican Party’s formation in the 1850s was no exception to this rule. Paying close attention to the social and political climate in Massachusetts, this thesis will journey through the United States’ turbulent antebellum years and examine how the abolitionist organization known as the Boston Vigilance Committee (BVC) fashioned the contours of this anti-slavery party. Although scholars debate the committee’s origins, by 1846 members increased and expanded their activism in protecting escaped slaves from being returned to slavery and in assisting fugitives to freedom. By standing on moral, economic, and legal ground, Vigilance Committee members transformed Boston’s political culture and helped mobilize Northern support for an anti-slavery agenda that founded the Republican party and ultimately culminated in slavery’s eventual demise. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2020. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Foreign policy is a constant balancing between playing an active role on the international stage versus taking a more cautious stance. This study compares foreign policy development of three conservative parties during the Cold war, in three different nations with vastly different geopolitical importance. The parties compared in the study are the American Republican party, the British Conservative party and the Swedish Conservative party. This study uses party platform and election manifestos from three separate election years as the main sources for comparison. The comparison covers the early 1950’s, middle 1960’s and finally the early 1980’s. The party programs are thereafter analyzed with help of Lane Crothers model to further classify the foreign policy development of each party during the given time period. In conclusion, the study indicates a general move toward an increasingly active involvement on the international stage. The Republican party represents a foreign policy predominantlybased on military and diplomatic capacity to safeguard American foreign interest in relation to the Soviet Union. The British Conservative party as well as the Swedish Conservative party represent a foreign policy strategy with higher emphasis on international economic cooperation based on the liberal market economy.

"The US Presidential Nomination System and Its Evolution" Master's thesis focuses on political and historical aspects of presidential candidate selection system in the United States of America. Covering the past two and a half centuries of historical development in the first more historical part the final paper then continues with more political characters of the system. The first chapter is divided into four sections describing the evolution of the selection system since the very beginning of the US political history when the Constitution was adopted in 1780s over the establishment of national conventions and implementing primary elections around 1900 until the modern period of reform years in 1970s. The second chapter focuses on current selection system within the Democratic and the Republican Party while the last third chapter, being divided into three parts, describes three key primary elections of 20th and 21st century, respectively. The Democratic primaries of 1960 and a selection of J. F. Kennedy, the 1980 Republican primaries with Ronald Reagan as an unrivaled leader and the last Democratic primary elections of 2008 selecting Barack Obama a presidential candidate. In the conclusion the whole development is summarized and few ideas of future form of the system are provided.

In this dissertation project, I make three separate contributions on how we can improve aggregate election forecasting models with respect to modeling choices, interpretability, and performance. Two of the three papers are applications to particular cases, the U.S. and France specifically, while the third points to a cross-national pattern in polling errors. The first paper addresses how we can make more reasonable prior choices for key parameters – such as the variability of non-sampling error – by using past pre-election polls. I showcase this approach on U.S. presidential elections. The second paper shows how to create and aggregate predictions in a multi-party contest while keeping the individual forecasts intact. This is useful to see convergences or divergences in the forecasts which might affect our confidence in the aggregate prediction. I develop a new aggregate forecasting model for French presidential elections to demonstrate this idea. The last paper shows and investigates a pattern in polling errors. We see that across multiple countries and electoral systems, polling errors favor the lesser party in two-party contests, i.e. polling errors favor Democratic candidates in Republican states and vice versa. We demonstrate a simple adjustment procedure based on this pattern to reduce the mean absolute polling error. We achieve a 16% reduction in the 2016 U.S. presidential election.

This study examines the efforts of Radicals (Republicans) to establish a state-wide public school system in Texas between 1870 and 1873. Primary sources cover the chronological fringes of the period being examined. This study follows a chronological narrative with the four chapters examining first, educational trends in the southern states and Texas prior to Reconstruction, followed by examination of the Radical system in Texas, and, finally, its destruction by Conservative Texans. The final chapter focuses on immediate and long range results of Radical education. In examining the Radical educational program, an attempt has been made to dispel ideas popularly held by present-day Texans who believe that the Radical school program was simply another "carpetbagger" scheme for raiding the state treasury and building Radical patronage. This paper contends that the Radicals established as good a public school system as could be created at the time, and that it was administered in an honest and efficient manner. The system was destroyed by politicians and a grass roots revolt of taxpayers who had no faith in its methods, goals, or administrators.

In November 2020, Puerto Rico, currently a territory of the United States, held a referendum and the majority voted to become a state of the United States of America. Statehood is decided by the U.S. Congress in Washington, D.C. For the 2020 Presidential Election, the Democratic Party platform expressed support for Puerto Rican statehood. Although the official stance on the Republican Party is to support whatever choice the electorate of Puerto Rico votes on in their referendum, many party leaders and members of the Republican Party have spoken out about their opposition to supporting the statehood of the territory. I will be investigating why these party leaders and general party members are against its statehood by looking at the Republican Party’s ideologically derived positions rooted in conservativism and the electoral incentive perspective to not have Puerto Rico as a state. How do leading Republican Party representatives justify their position against the addition of Puerto Rico as a U.S. state? How can the members of the Republican Party’s position on Puerto Rico statehood be understood by both party incentives and disincentives on expected electoral outcomes? It is noteworthy to look at what causes this paradox between the Republican Party’s official stance on Puerto Rican statehood and party leaders’ open opinions on the matter.