Analisamos neste trabalho como as transformações econômicas e sociais, que ocorreram no Segundo Reinado, contribuíram para desestabilizar a ordem imperial e, ao mesmo tempo, fortalecer o movimento republicano. As mudanças relacionadas à manutenção do trabalho escravo, que se colocava como o principal pilar de sustentação da ordem imperial, desencadearam necessidades divergentes que não podiam ser satisfatoriamente atendidas pela monarquia brasileira. Com isso, o movimento republicano que se organiza a partir de 1870 busca nas fragilidades do Império o seu espaço de atuação. Os republicanos, sentindo-se excluídos do jogo político imperial, viram na República Federativa a alternativa para a centralização política e administrativa do Império. Mas, é em São Paulo, onde os efeitos negativos dessa centralização eram mais sentidos, que se desenvolve o partido republicano mais forte e organizado do movimento. O republicano paulista Alberto Sales, dialogando com a insatisfação da elite econômica de São Paulo, envolve-se no trabalho doutrinário, que tinha como objetivo construir um programa capaz de orientar a ação republicana e torná-la coesa. Entretanto, os rumos que a República tomou na sua primeira década de vigência contribuíram para que esse propagandista paulista se desencantasse com ela. Buscamos aqui explorar o contexto político, econômico e social em que o movimento republicano emerge e investigar, a partir da teoria que orientou o movimento em São Paulo, as razões que poderiam explicar o desencantamento de um dos seus principais propagandistas com a República que se efetivou. / The objective of this paper is to analyze how the economical and social changes which occurred in the Second Empire helped to destabilize the imperial order and, at the same time, strengthen the republican movement. The changes related to the maintenance of slavery, which was the foundation of the imperial order, yielded divergent needs that could not be met satisfactorily by the Brazilian monarchy. Thus, the republican movement that became organized after 1870 tried to find in the empires´ weaknesses its field of action. The republicans, feeling excluded from the imperial political game, saw in the Federal Republic an alternative for the administrative and political centralization of the Empire. But, in Sao Paulo, where the negative effects of this centralization were most seriously felt, the strongest and best organized Republican Party arose. Alberto Sales, a republican from Sao Paulo, conversing with the dissatisfied economically elite there, got involved in political indoctrination to build a program capable of guiding the republican action and making it consistent. Nevertheless, the direction taken by the Republic in its first decade led the propagandist Alberto Sales to disappointment. We wish here to explore the political, economical and social contexts in which the republican movement emerged and to investigate, by taking as a starting point the theory that guided the movement in Sao Paulo, the reasons that could explain the disappointment of one of the Republic\'s most important propagandists.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-05-05T13:26:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tuane Ludwig Dihl_.pdf: 1484969 bytes, checksum: 9f8e1ad9f2831fe571861d83823be475 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-05T13:26:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tuane Ludwig Dihl_.pdf: 1484969 bytes, checksum: 9f8e1ad9f2831fe571861d83823be475 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-06 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta pesquisa dedica-se a analisar as representações veiculadas no jornal porto-alegrense A Federação – órgão do Partido Republicano Rio-grandense (PRR) – acerca dos negros no período do pós-abolição, especificamente entre as décadas finais do século XIX e os primeiros anos do XX. A partir das edições deste periódico, investiga-se a forma, os sentidos e significados atribuídos às categorias de cor e raça quando utilizadas para visibilizar os afro-brasileiros. Esses aspectos puderam ser identificados em discussões que acenavam para o protagonismo abolicionista e político negro, em projetos para a transformação dos regimes de trabalho e nas representações sobre os comportamentos “não-brancos” nos espaços públicos. Verificou-se uma ausência de discursos unívocos sobre os aspectos destacados por parte dos redatores d’ A Federação, que se refletiu em representações igualmente variáveis, que podiam condenar ou exaltar os negros, a incluí-los ou a excluí-los de seu projeto republicano, ou ainda, tendiam a visibilizá-los ou a invisibilizá-los em suas páginas. / This research analyze the representations shown on porto-alegrense newspaper ‘A Federação’ – part of Rio-Grandense Republican Party (PRR) – about black people on post-abolition period, specifically between latest 19th century decades and initial years from 20st century. From editions on this newspaper, it is investigated how and the meanings given to ethnicity and color when used to give visibility to african-brazilians. Those aspects could be identified on discussions that pointed to the abolitinist and black political protagonism, on projects for the work regimes transformation ando n representantions about non-white behaviors on public spaces. It was noticed an abscense of single speeches about distinguished aspects of ‘A Federação’ editors, which reflected on equally variable representations, that could condemn or praise black people, include or exclude them from its republican project or yet tend to either give visibility or invsibility.

No description available.

To understand the dynamics of legislative gridlock, as well as account for the mixed and often conflicting findings in the divided government literature, this paper posits that the previous unidimensional approach of using divided government as an explanatory variable of interest fails to accurately reflect the changing realities of American politics since WWII. Two new and interlocking conceptual approaches are introduced that expand the dimensionality of legislative gridlock: ideological polarization explained through the temporal shift of political parties from a party system of moderation and universalistic policy outputs, to one where particularistic goals became much more common. As studies of divided government center on temporally-bound concepts, they ignore most of the inter- and intra-party variation evident throughout the latter 20th century. / text

No description available.

Analisamos neste trabalho como as transformações econômicas e sociais, que ocorreram no Segundo Reinado, contribuíram para desestabilizar a ordem imperial e, ao mesmo tempo, fortalecer o movimento republicano. As mudanças relacionadas à manutenção do trabalho escravo, que se colocava como o principal pilar de sustentação da ordem imperial, desencadearam necessidades divergentes que não podiam ser satisfatoriamente atendidas pela monarquia brasileira. Com isso, o movimento republicano que se organiza a partir de 1870 busca nas fragilidades do Império o seu espaço de atuação. Os republicanos, sentindo-se excluídos do jogo político imperial, viram na República Federativa a alternativa para a centralização política e administrativa do Império. Mas, é em São Paulo, onde os efeitos negativos dessa centralização eram mais sentidos, que se desenvolve o partido republicano mais forte e organizado do movimento. O republicano paulista Alberto Sales, dialogando com a insatisfação da elite econômica de São Paulo, envolve-se no trabalho doutrinário, que tinha como objetivo construir um programa capaz de orientar a ação republicana e torná-la coesa. Entretanto, os rumos que a República tomou na sua primeira década de vigência contribuíram para que esse propagandista paulista se desencantasse com ela. Buscamos aqui explorar o contexto político, econômico e social em que o movimento republicano emerge e investigar, a partir da teoria que orientou o movimento em São Paulo, as razões que poderiam explicar o desencantamento de um dos seus principais propagandistas com a República que se efetivou. / The objective of this paper is to analyze how the economical and social changes which occurred in the Second Empire helped to destabilize the imperial order and, at the same time, strengthen the republican movement. The changes related to the maintenance of slavery, which was the foundation of the imperial order, yielded divergent needs that could not be met satisfactorily by the Brazilian monarchy. Thus, the republican movement that became organized after 1870 tried to find in the empires´ weaknesses its field of action. The republicans, feeling excluded from the imperial political game, saw in the Federal Republic an alternative for the administrative and political centralization of the Empire. But, in Sao Paulo, where the negative effects of this centralization were most seriously felt, the strongest and best organized Republican Party arose. Alberto Sales, a republican from Sao Paulo, conversing with the dissatisfied economically elite there, got involved in political indoctrination to build a program capable of guiding the republican action and making it consistent. Nevertheless, the direction taken by the Republic in its first decade led the propagandist Alberto Sales to disappointment. We wish here to explore the political, economical and social contexts in which the republican movement emerged and to investigate, by taking as a starting point the theory that guided the movement in Sao Paulo, the reasons that could explain the disappointment of one of the Republic\'s most important propagandists.

This qualitative interview study was designed to explore with Trans-Spectrum college students, including graduates, current students, and dropouts, how they have conceptualized and made meaning of their experiences in traditionally Red States since the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. This study resulted in recommendations that would enable administrators in both community colleges and four-year institutions to implement specific practices to improve learning environments and access to resources for Trans-Spectrum college students. The researcher based this study on three principal assumptions: (1) there is a population of Trans-Spectrum college students in these Red States. Although no data exist on the number of transgender students in higher education per state, these students must exist. (2) Trans-Spectrum college students in these Red States face an array of challenges every day both on and off campus from bullying and family struggles to financial struggles to suicidality. (3) The 2016 U.S. Presidential Election had a negative impact on these participants’ college experiences. Interviews conducted with 25 participants comprised the primary data for this study. Participants included students presently attending community college; students presently attending four-year institutions; recent graduates of both community colleges and four-year institutions; and students who departed college. A document review also yielded data. The findings regarding the experiences of Trans-Spectrum college students in Red States since the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election were: (1) A strong majority of participants described their overall college experiences as being shaped by an uncertain and unpredictable learning environment. (2) A strong majority of participants indicated that the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election had a compromising effect on their safety and well-being on campus and in their community. (3) All participants described experiencing issues related to access to resources, campus-wide illiteracy on trans issues, and race and gender identity, while an overwhelming majority of participants described having mental health issues. A strong majority reported incidents of being bullied on campus and in the college community. (4) An overwhelming majority of participants identified a support system as a significant factor in helping them learn to overcome their challenges. The key recommendations that emerged from this study were: (1) Community Colleges should create an Intake Form on which students have the option to self-identify in terms of sexual orientation and gender identity. This will enable these colleges to track data on completion, persistence, and retention of Trans-Spectrum students. (2) Both community colleges and four-year institutions should invest more in mental health services and consider investing more resources in on-campus mental health personnel and resources. (3) Both community colleges and four-year institutions should build community partnerships to provide more resources for Trans-Spectrum students.

California has been traditionally a Republican state, yet the Republicans have been unable to regain their traditional dominance since their defeat in 1958. The 1958 election represented a fundamental shift in the nature of California politics. More than that, the defeat of the Republicans pointed up a fundamental weakness in the Republican party.

What explains the difference between the county level vote received by President Donald Trump and U.S. Senator Marco Rubio in the 2016 Florida general election? Over the last couple of decades, Florida has earned a reputation for being a highly competitive state that impacts control of the White House and congress. As Florida’s electorate becomes increasingly diverse, will the Democratic Party begin to win more often as their usual base grows, or will the Republican Party figure out a way to remain competitive? The 2016 general election presents an opportunity to analyze the structure of support for two Republican candidates who represent different paths for the future of the Republican Party: Trump, who won Florida by just one percent, and seemingly alienated Hispanics and women with his comments and policy proposals; or Rubio, who won by about eight percent, a Cuban-American thought to be a fresh voice for the GOP and a bridge to Hispanic voters. Regression analysis is used to examine support for Trump and Rubio and also the difference in support between the candidates. The results indicate Trump did better in counties with larger percentages of lower educated whites, lower income households, and higher unemployment rate. Rubio performed better than Trump in counties with larger numbers of Cuban and non-Cuban Hispanics, women, and voters not registered with either major party. These results suggest that Democrats may gain ground in Florida over time if the Trump wing of the GOP takes over the party and if current population trends continue.

No description available.