Why is black partisan identification so one-sidedly Democratic forty years past the Civil Rights movement? A black/non-black political dichotomy manifests itself through one-sided African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness and Republican hostility is the basis of the black/non-black political dichotomy, which manifests through African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness forced blacks to take a unique and somewhat jaundiced approach to politics and Republican hostility to black inclusion in the political process in the 1960s followed by antagonism toward public policy contribute to overwhelming black Democratic partisanship. Results shown in this dissertation demonstrate that variables representing economic issues, socioeconomic status and religiosity fail to explain partisan identification to the extent that Hostility-Consciousness explains party identification.

Jungtinės Amerikos Valstijos (JAV) vis dar neabejotinai yra galingiausia pasaulio valstybė, todėl įvairiapusė šalies užsienio politikos analizė yra labai svarbi. JAV užsienio politika išsiskiria savo daugiavektoriškumu, kadangi šalis turi interesų visuose pasaulio regionuose, gali veikti įvairiomis priemonėmis. Politinės partijos, kaip demokratinės valstybės vidaus veikėjas, užsienio politikos procesų kontekste gali būti reikšmingas tuo atveju, jei valstybė turi platų spektrą lygiaverčių savo vaidmens tarptautinėje arenoje vizijų, o politinė sistema yra pilnai susiformavusi ir visiškai stabili. JAV yra būdingi abu šie aspektai, todėl pagrindinių šalies politinių partijų užsienio politikos nuostatų analizė yra labai aktuali. Pagrindinis šio darbo tyrimo objektas yra JAV Respublikonų partijos užsienio politikos nuostatos. Svarbiausias tyrimo tikslas - išanalizuoti JAV Respublikonų partijos užsienio politikos nuostatas bei jų kaitą 2000 – 2013 metų laikotarpiu. Darbe teigiama, jog JAV išsiskiria labai stipria prezidento institucija, kuriai suteikti įgaliojimai vadovauti visam užsienio politikos aparatui, tačiau Kongresas (kurį sudaro Atstovų Rūmai bei Senatas) taip pat turi įvairių politinių instrumentų varžyti ar palaikyti prezidento iniciatyvas. Dėl įtvirtintos JAV dvipartinės sistemos, Respublikonų ir Demokratų partijos yra plačios skirtingų interesų, visuomenės grupių koalicijos, o jų ideologinės nuostatos yra giliai įsišaknijusios į šalies politinę sistemą. Prezidentas... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / United States of America (U.S.) is still undoubtedly the most powerful state in the world therefore diverse analysis of its foreign policy is very important. There is no doubt that U.S. tries to secure its current position using various foreign policy instruments. What can be called U.S. Grand Strategy depends on many external and internal factors and foreign policy visions of two main political parties of U.S. are not at last place. Political parties can possibly be important object of foreign policy analysis in case when state‘s democratic political system is fully functioning and state has many competing visions of its role in international arena. These features are typical of U.S. political system therefore analysis of foreign policy visions of state‘s two main political parties is very relevant. The main object of this research is foreign policy views of the Republican Party of United States. The main goal of this research is to analyse change of foreign policy views of the Republican Party in the period 2000 - 2013. U.S. political system is characterized by strong presidential institution that has authority to lead state‘s foreign policy. However U.S. Congress also has various political instruments that can be used to support or restrict initiatives of U.S. President. President is also the leading voice and leader of his political party and represents consensus of party‘s ideology. This research concludes that U.S. political parties are broad coalitions of various... [to full text]

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-10-10T12:52:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Otoniel Pacheco da Cunha_.pdf: 3407911 bytes, checksum: 249372af96a89ccc0787f8a23798bb8e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-10T12:52:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Otoniel Pacheco da Cunha_.pdf: 3407911 bytes, checksum: 249372af96a89ccc0787f8a23798bb8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-18 / CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O médico e político Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves experienciou uma carreira política de relevo durante a Primeira República. Neste período, ocupou os cargos de deputado estadual, vice-presidente e presidente do estado e senador. No entanto, acreditamos que o sucesso político experimentado durante o período republicano só foi possível pela ascensão do Partido Republicano Rio-grandense (PRR) ao poder – ocasionada pela Proclamação da República – e também porque Barbosa possuía os requisitos necessários para tanto. Sendo assim, o objetivo deste trabalho é investigar quais recursos (econômicos, políticos, sociais e simbólicos) Barbosa herdou e empenhou-se em adquirir para que pudesse ocupar a posição de líder político local de Jaguarão, bem como ter sucesso em outras esferas políticas durante o período republicano. Para que isso fosse possível, analisamos – através de inúmeros tipos de fontes – diferentes momentos, tanto dos Gonçalves da Silva, quanto de Barbosa. Com relação aos antecedentes familiares, investigamos as relações da família com Jaguarão e a Guerra dos Farrapos, como também a situação econômica familiar. Quando tratamos especificamente de Barbosa, o acompanhamos nos estudos realizados no Rio de Janeiro, na propaganda republicana em Jaguarão e também a atuação médica. / The doctor and politician Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves experienced a political career of relief during the First Republic. During this period, he held the positions of state deputy, state president and senator. However, we believe that the political success experienced during the republican period was only possible by the rise of the Rio-grandense Republican Party (PRR) to power – occasioned by the Proclamation of the Republic – and also because Barbosa had the necessary requirements for it. Thus, the objective of this work is to investigate which resources (economic, political, social and symbolic) Barbosa inherited and committed himself to acquire so that he could occupy the position of local political leader of Jaguarão, as well as to succeed in other political spheres during the republican period. For this to be possible, we analyzed – through many types of sources – different moments, both from Gonçalves da Silva and Barbosa. Regarding the family history, we investigated the family's relations with Jaguarão and the Farrapos War, as well as the familiar economic situation. When we deal specifically with Barbosa, we accompany him in his studies in Rio de Janeiro, in republican propaganda in Jaguarão, and also in medical practice.

"The theme of this work centers around the Negro and his association with the Radical Republican party. For eight years this party controlled the state government of Texas and, the Negro's participation during this period cannot be overlooked. The Negro possessed, at this time, two valuable assets, the right of suffrage and a strength in numbers. It was through the careful coordination of these two assets that the Radicals were able to gain and maintain control of Texas politics."--Leaves iii-iv.

Le Tea Party entre en scène en février 2009 aux États-Unis. C’est notamment la tirade d’un journaliste qui s’insurge contre les plans de sauvetage de l’économie votés par le Président Barack Obama, en direct sur la chaîne CNBC le 19 février, et invite à organiser une « Tea Party » dans le port de Chicago, qui déclenche ce phénomène sans précédent. S’ensuivent de nombreux rassemblements protestataires de masse à travers le pays, puis la création de dizaines, puis de centaines de groupes Tea Party locaux. La rapidité et l’ampleur de ce mouvement surprennent les spécialistes. D’autant que dès 2010, le Tea Party affirme des objectifs politiques et une volonté d’institutionnalisation, se révélant une menace pour l’establishment républicain. Mais en 2012, la réélection du Président Obama peut être lue comme une défaite colossale pour le mouvement, et des chroniques de mort annoncée sont publiées par la presse libérale (au sens américain). Des résultats peu spectaculaires aux élections de mi-mandat en 2014 semblent confirmer ce pronostic, surtout que le Parti républicain réussit à tenir le mouvement en respect jusqu’aux primaires pour l’investiture présidentielle en 2015. C’est alors qu’on assiste à un retournement de situation ; la radicalisation du Grand Old Party est nette, visible entre autres dans la plate-forme très conservatrice des candidats républicains. En novembre 2016, l’élection de l’outsider Donald Trump à la présidence, conjonction de nombreux facteurs électoraux, est également le résultat d’efforts organisationnels de la Droite auxquels le Tea Party a largement contribué. Pour appréhender ce mouvement, il faut comprendre qu’il combine des forces top-down et bottom-up. Certes, le Tea Party bénéficie depuis son émergence de ressources inestimables de la part de groupes de pression et de think tanks comme FreedomWorks, American Majority, Americans for Prosperity ou Heritage Foundation, ainsi que des médias conservateurs. De nature organisationnelle ou rhétorique, ces ressources sont fondamentales car elles permettent au mouvement de s’organiser et de mener ses actions militantes. Il n’en reste pas moins qu’à la base se trouvent des acteurs bénévoles, qui consacrent leur temps et leur énergie au Tea Party, et revendiquent leur caractère grassroots. Des organisations nationales comme Tea Party Patriots s’imposent pour fédérer les groupes qui leur sont affiliés, cependant certains groupes locaux cherchent à protéger leur indépendance. Autour des groupes Tea Party gravitent des organisations libertariennes et conservatrices, l’ensemble formant une nébuleuse complexe, qui fonctionne par réseaux à différents niveaux et selon diverses configurations. L’objet de cette étude de terrain est donc d’apporter un éclairage de l’intérieur du mouvement Tea Party, par l’observation en immersion de groupes locaux situés dans les régions de Philadelphie en Pennsylvanie, et de Boston dans le Massachusetts. Il s’agit d’abord de comprendre les motivations et l’idéologie des militants, principalement d’orientation conservatrice, libertarienne et populiste. Ce sont les notions de souveraineté individuelle, d’anti-fédéralisme, et de respect de la Constitution qui dictent toute lecture des Tea Partiers. Ensuite, l’analyse des modes opératoires des groupes permet de clarifier le fonctionnement de l’ensemble. Le Tea Party se démarque en tant que mouvement de droite recourant à des stratégies organisationnelles jusqu’ici plutôt réservées aux mouvements progressistes - la façon dont il applique les principes de l’organisation communautaire est l’une de ses forces indéniables, en particulier à l’ère des nouvelles technologies, et des réseaux sociaux. Son utilisation de ressources Web et d’outils concrets pour l’action militante est remarquable. Enfin, il est essentiel de saisir que le Tea Party veut s’implanter dans le tissu décisionnel local. Pour y parvenir, l’une de ses tactiques consiste à infiltrer progressivement le Parti républicain / The Tea Party enters the scene in February 2009 in the United States. On February 19, a CNBC journalist protests on-air against the economic bailout plans voted by President Barack Obama, and invites viewers to organize a « Tea Party » in the Chicago harbor. This contributes to trigger an unprecedented phenomenon, as numerous mass protest rallies soon organize throughout the country, followed by the creation of dozens, then hundreds of local Tea Party groups. Experts are astonished at the swiftness and magnitude of the movement. All the more so in 2010, when the Tea Party starts claiming political objectives and shows intent of institutionalizing, proving a threat to the Republican Establishment. However, President Obama is reelected in 2012 and this is interpreted as a devastating loss for the movement, for which obituaries are published in several liberal media. Lackluster results in the 2014 mid-term elections seem to confirm this forecast, especially since the Republican Party succeeds at keeping the movement at bay until the primaries for the presidential candidate nomination in 2015. But then there is a reversal; the Grand Old Party clearly radicalizes, as the extremely conservative Republican platform notably shows. And the election of outsider Donald Trump to the presidency in November 2016, a conjunction of numerous electoral factors, is also the result of organizational efforts on the right side of the political spectrum, to which the Tea Party largely contributed. To better apprehend this movement, it is necessary to understand that it combines top-down and bottom-up forces. From its appearance, the Tea Party has indisputably benefitted from colossal resources from interest groups and think tanks such as FreedomWorks, American Majority, Americans for Prosperity or The Heritage Foundation, but also from conservative media. Either organizational or rhetorical, these resources are primeval for the movement’s organization and activism. Nevertheless, there are voluntary activists working at the basis of the movement, who devote their time and energy to the Tea Party, and claim its grassroots nature. National organizations such as Tea Party Patriots try to establish themselves as federations for the groups affiliated to them, while some local groups seek to remain independent. Libertarian and conservative organizations gravitate around Tea Party groups, the whole forming a complex cluster that operates at different levels and following diverse configurations. Thus the object of this field study is to shed light on the Tea Party movement from the inside, thanks to the observation of local groups from an embedded position. These groups are located in the Philadelphia and Boston areas, respectively in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. First, it is necessary to understand activists’ motivations and ideologies, which are mainly conservative, libertarian and populist; and that Tea Partiers interpret everything though the lens of individual sovereignty, anti-Federalism, and respect of the Constitution. Then, analyzing the modi operandi of the groups allows to illuminate how the whole system works. The Tea Party distinguishes itself as a right-wing movement that recurs to organizational strategies that were predominantly used by progressive movements until recently – the way the movement applies the principles of community organizing is undeniably one of its strengths, particularly considering the new media revolution, and social networks. Its use of Web resources and concrete tools to encourage activism is impressive. Lastly, it is indispensable to grasp that the Tea Party aims for local decision-making positions. To this end, one of its tactics consists in progressively infiltrating the Republican Party

No description available.

Orientador: Vera Hercilia Faria Pacheco Borges / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T08:05:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Galdino_AntonioCarlos_D.pdf: 1900106 bytes, checksum: 178e4073882146f856ef4b18c3f743fb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Este trabalho examina a trajetória do Partido Republicano em Campinas, como corrente de opinião da elite política paulista e como associação eleitoral, do final da década de 1860 até a queda da Monarquia. Com base em fontes diversificadas, principalmente a imprensa, bem como publicações da época e posteriores, reconstitui o ambiente de luta eleitoral naquele município em que republicanos e monarquistas enfrentavam-se e relaciona às disputas eleitorais os grandes temas da política nacional desse período. As principais interpretações da historiografia são questionadas por meio da análise das semelhanças de posições entre republicanos e monarquistas em torno dos problemas da escravidão e do imigrantismo, da descentralização das províncias e municípios e o da chamada questão religiosa, que envolveu as relações entre o republicanismo e a maçonaria. Por fim, a tese propõe uma abordagem sócio-histórica buscando descrever e examinar de que modo as regras e práticas institucionais de produção do eleitorado Império, os valores elitistas e excludentes envolvidos no exercício do sufrágio e da representação política e as formas de sociabilidade e de civilidade que compunham o campo da política local em Campinas, podem ter condicionado o desenvolvimento do republicanismo como fenômeno eleitoral e partidário, especialmente na década de 1880. O trabalho sugere que o predomínio dos republicanos nas eleições em Campinas relacionou-se diretamente a reconfiguração da luta eleitoral promovida pela Lei Saraiva de 1881, conjugada às formas de sociabilidade e civilidade presentes na vida urbana desse município / Abstract: This work examines the journey of Republican Party in Campinas, as current of opinion of political elite of São Paulo province and as an electoral association, of late 1860¿s until the fall of Monarchy. Based on different sources of information, mainly the press, as well as the publications at the time and later, the environment of electoral fight is rebuilt in that municipal district where the republicans and monarchists confronted and the great themes of national politics of this time is related to electoral disputes. The main interpretations of histography are questioned through the analyses of similarities of positions among republicans and monarchists about the problems of slavery and immigration, decentralization of provinces and municipal districts and religion question, which involved the relations between republicanism and freemasonry. Lastly, the thesis proposes a sociohistorical approach trying to describe and examine the different ways that the rules and institutional practices of production of empire electorate, the elite and excluding values involved in the voting and political representation exercise and the ways of sociability and civility which arranged the field of the local politics in Campinas, they can have conditioned the development of republicanism as party and electorate phenomenon, specially in 1880's. The work suggests that the supremacy of the republicans in the elections in Campinas was related directly with the reconfiguration of election fight promoted by the law Saraiva of 1881, conjugated to the ways of sociability and civility present in urban life of this region / Doutorado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Doutor em História

James Evetts Haley, a West Texas rancher and historian, balked at the liberalism promoted by President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal. Haley grew concerned about increased federal control over states and believed Roosevelt was leading the country toward bankruptcy. In 1936, Haley, a life-long Democrat, led the Jeffersonian Democrats in Texas, who worked to defeat Roosevelt and supported the Republican candidate, Alf Landon. He continued to lead a small faction of anti-New Deal Texans in various movements through the 1960s. Haley espoused and defended certain conservative principles over the course of his life and the development of these ideas created the philosophical base of the modern Republican Party in Texas.

Tea Party affects American politics since 2009 when she began under the name of former revolutionary movement to fight government interventions with massive demonstrations. There was often incorrect expectation concerning Tea Party's potential in the first years of her activity. Tea Party supporters cannot be easily characterized, since a very differentiated group of Americans identifies itself with the movement, they come from a broad scale of social groups from Religious Right to libertarians or radical populists, which makes Tea Party an easy subject of criticism. Such criticism is often related to accusations of racism and rigid approach to social issues, to which contributed also certain Tea Party candidates. Nationwide political radicalization, which Tea Party allegedly caused up to a great extent, cannot be confirmed, though, radicalization can be discerned rather within the ideologically differentiated Congress. Although the elections of 2010 and 2012 brought a group of Tea Party supporters into the Congress, it wasn't such a significant success, as many of her protagonists expected. Tea Party established the Tea Party Caucus as an organizational tool. The members of the Caucus ranked among the most active congressmen, the number of their achievements is questionable, though. Throughout the year...

No description available.