Trata do espaço público como referência material na institucionalização das relações de poder. Aborda as alterações da paisagem urbana central da cidade de Jaboticabal a partir da instalação do regime Republicano (1889-1930), que gradativamente alterou o foco da ação política do meio rural para o ambiente da cidade. O seqüente incremento do modo de vida urbano suscitou transformações na organização das estruturas de poder com conseqüências diretas na concepção de cidade, enquanto artefato e enquanto locus de transmissão de mensagens. Essa situação gerou transformações e, paradoxalmente, permitiu permanências. No âmbito local, isso significou diversas disputas pelos espaços centrais da cidade, no que tange sua propriedade, administração, usos e significados. As implicações diretas remetem-se à organização das construções na região central, com destaque à praça e ao edifício da igreja, assim como os processos de remodelação relacionados a estes espaços. A câmara é, nesse sentido, agente de difusão dos projetos nacionais e a praça central, elemento espacial escolhido como recorte da pesquisa, o veículo portador das mensagens necessárias à fundamentação dessa nova ordem centrada na propagação do ideário de construção da nação brasileira. A discussão, no entanto, atravessa outra faceta do campo da administração da cidade, quando se soma aos valores simbólicos mencionados, as demandas concretas por infra-estrutura, situação inerente a um sistema urbano em expansão. Paralelamente, a adesão ao modo de produção capitalista insere a região na dinâmica mundial de produção, consumo e divisão do trabalho. A manutenção da base agrária, centrada no cultivo do café, fornece os instrumentos para a atuação de uma autoridade local constituída por defensores da República fatalmente ligados à cafeicultura. Finalmente, a imprensa local, que se transforma no veículo portador dos diversos discursos, engendrando a materialização destes na urbes. Para tanto, propõe uma análise baseada na coerência entre os discursos de legitimação e o espaço efetivamente construído. À medida que o discurso precisa ser fiel ao contexto pesquisado, opta pela utilização de documentos primários: leis, artigos de jornais, atas, cartas e todo e qualquer material que expresse de forma direta a alocução dos atores envolvidos. Da mesma forma, utiliza o suporte fotográfico com a finalidade de entender a configuração dos espaços e edifícios frente aos dados proporcionados pelos documentos pesquisados. / This dissertation deals with power relations materialization into public spaces. It investigates the changes in Jaboticabals urban landscape after the instatement of the Republican Regime (1889-1930), which gradually altered the focus of political actions from rural to urban environment. The rise of the urban way of living triggered transformations on the power structures with direct consequences for the city idea, as artifact and as locus for symbolic messages. This circumstance of pressing changes paradoxically permitted a number of resistances. On the local sphere it meant de installment of several disputes for the citys central locations, in regard of its property, management, use and meanings. The direct implications refer to the downtowns hierarchy of buildings, with emphasis on the square and church, along with their renovation processes. In this sense, the town council is the dissemination agent of national projects, and the central square, our study object, the instrument to deliver the necessary messages to configure this new order based on the ideology of constructing the brazilian nation. This discussion, however, is another facet of city government deals that in addition to the mentioned symbolic values must be understood in a situation of concrete demands for infrastructure inherent to an urban expansion condition. Also, the accession of capitalist places the region in the world production, consumption and labor division dynamics. The persistence of the agrarian base, focused on coffee plantation, provide the tools for the act of local authorities made up of supporters of the Republic and inevitably linked to coffee production. Finally, the local press that becomes the vehicle of various speeches, engendered in the materialization of urban grounds. To that end, we propose an analysis based on consistency between the speeches of legitimacy and space effectively built. To the extent that the speech must be faithful to the search context, we opt for primary sources use: laws, newspaper articles, minutes, letters and any material that expresses in a direct address the goals of the actors involved. As well as the use of photographic medium in order to understand the configuration of spaces and buildings, resource that enables the comparison image and data.

[pt] A presente pesquisa investigou a história do Ginásio Leopoldinense, situado no município de Leopoldina, na Zona da Mata Mineira, bem como seu projeto educativo, ao longo do período de 1906 a 1926. Esse recorte temporal corresponde a grande parte da República Velha ou Primeira República, cenário que foi marcado pelo revezamento no poder das oligarquias de Minas Gerais e São Paulo, entre 1890 a 1930. No ano de 1906, esse estabelecimento de ensino foi fundado e destacou-se das demais escolas criadas no município por oferecer um ensino abrangente: jardim de infância, ensino primário, agrícola, secundário, normal, militar e superior em Odontologia e Farmácia. A maioria destes cursos funcionou até meados de 1926, quando essa instituição particular foi municipalizada. Com exceção do Aprendizado Agrícola, voltado para crianças pobres e órfãs, os cursos tinham caráter nitidamente seletivo, tanto no sentido social quanto no pedagógico e profissional. Os alunos provinham de classes sociais abastadas, em geral, filhos de fazendeiros e de profissionais liberais, e eram recrutados desde o curso primário, preparatório, até o nível superior. Nossa hipótese foi de que esse estabelecimento tenha sido responsável, durante seus primeiros vinte anos de funcionamento, por desenvolver um programa educativo de formação da elite da Zona da Mata Mineira e de formação docente para o ensino primário pautado nos princípios e anseios do Partido Republicano Mineiro de modernização, progresso e, ao mesmo tempo, de manutenção da estrutura oligárquica. A partir daí, buscou-se indícios que ajudassem na inteligibilidade de quais práticas educativas nortearam esse programa de ensino e de quais sujeitos constituíram esse estabelecimento. Para isso, as redes de sociabilidades e as trajetórias profissionais ajudaram a pensar a história e o programa institucional, em sua relação com a política local, estadual e nacional. Horta (1985), Holanda (2006) e Leal (2012) contribuíram para o debate em torno das práticas patriarcais e do coronelismo revelados pela cultura escolar. Esta, por sua vez, foi analisada sobre a perspectiva de autores, como Chervel (2003), Vinão Frago (2006), Julia (2001) e Magalhães (2004), autores que trouxeram contribuições para a análise da história do Ginásio Leopoldinense, no que possa revelar elementos sobre a legislação e as reformas de ensino, bem como sobre a formação, profissionalização e construção da identidade docente. / [en] This research investigated the history of Ginásio Leopoldinense, located in Leopoldina City, in Zona da Mata Mineira, as well as its educational project, throughout the period of 1906 to 1926. This time frame corresponds to most of the Old Republic or the First Republic, a scenery marked by the alternation in power by the oligarchies of Minas Gerais and São Paulo, between 1890 to 1930. In 1906, this educational institution was founded and stood out of the other schools created in the city, by offering many levels of education: kindergarden, primary education, agricultural, high school, training college, military and higher education in Dentistry and Pharmacy. Most of these courses ran until mid-1926, when this private institution was owned by the city. With the exception of Agricultural Learning, created for the poor children and orphans, the courses had a clearly selective character, both in social sense as in the pedagogical and professional. The students came from wealthy social classes, in general, the children of farmers and self-employed professionals, and were recruited since primary school, preparative, until college. Our hypothesis was that this institution was responsible, during its first twenty years of operation, to develop an educational program to form the Zona da Mata Mineira s elite and teacher training for primary education, ruled by the principles and desires of the Republican Party of Minas Gerais of modernization, progress and, at the same time, maintenance of the oligarchic structure. From there, I ve looked for evidence that helped with intelligibility which educational practices guided this learning program and the people who built this institution. For this, the sociability network and professional careers helped to think about the history and the institutional program, in it s relation to local, state and national policies. Horta (1985), Holanda (2006) and Leal (2012) contributed to the debate on patriarchal practices and coronelismo revealed by the school culture. This, in turn, was analyzed from the authors point of view, such as Chervel (2003), Vinão Frago (2006), Julia (2001) and Magalhães (2004), authors who have brought contributions to the analysis of the history of Ginásio Leopoldinense, in which might reveal details of the legislation and educational reforms, as well as well as on formation, professionalization and construction of the teacher identity.

Climate change denial is a widely spread phenomenon in the United States that has for decades shaped the country's response to the numerous environmental challenges it has been facing. This thesis deals with the role of the American fossil fuels lobby in the analyzed matter, as it constituted the main force behind its rise. The main goal of the thesis is to prove that the success of the climate change denial orchestrated by the fossil fuels industry was enabled by its ties to the political establishment. Moreover, it argues that this was done by using professionally drafted strategies, which turned a once-widely-accepted fact - backed by a scientific consensus - into a matter of debate, opinion, politics, ideology, and identity. In order to do that, the thesis firstly covers the historical development of the climate debate in the United Sates. It looks at the major milestones in the country's approach in dealing with the problem of the environment as well as the emergence of the climate change denial campaign itself. Secondly, it analyzes the various connections between U.S. politics, special interests, and climate science from the 1970s until the end of the George W. Bush Administration. Next, it introduces the specific tactics and methods employed by the climate change denial campaign. Moreover,...

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L’Église de Jésus-Christ des Saints des Derniers Jours, ou « Église mormone », émargea au cours de la première moitié du XIXe siècle dans une Amérique en proie à des mutations sociales et religieuses. Joseph Smith, son prophète-fondateur, l’inscrivit dès le départ dans une radicalité doctrinale en « protestant » les fondamentaux du christianisme tels qu’ils avaient été définis et acceptés auparavant. Il s’attira de ce fait le courroux des « Églises établies », en particulier de celles du protestantisme évangélique. Malgré une américanité foncière, sa religion fut affublée de l’étiquette « un-american » et ses disciples furent persécutés, poussés à édifier leur « Sion » sur la « Frontière », puis dans l’Ouest, à la périphérie de la société américaine. Contrairement à bien d’autres groupes religieux ou de mouvements utopiques, les « mormons » réussirent à transformer leur marginalisation en force, développant par la même occasion des particularismes qui firent d’eux un « peuple à part ». Or, ils s’éveillèrent aussi à l’évidence que pour échapper aux persécutions, ils devaient se positionner au cœur de l’action politique du pays. L’investiture de Mitt Romney par le Parti républicain pour l’élection présidentielle de 2012 témoigne de leur réussite. Mais comment cela fut-il possible ? Romney fut aussi l’objet d’une formidable opposition religieuse au cours de la phase des primaires du Parti qui n’est pas sans rappeler celles fomentées par les protestants contre les catholiques Al Smith (1928) et John F. Kennedy (1960). Comment expliquer ce refus de voir un mormon à la Maison blanche ? Nous répondons dans cette thèse à ces questions, et à bien d’autres, notamment en illustrant le fait que Romney, J. F. Kennedy et Al Smith eurent un prédécesseur en Reed Smoot, apôtre mormon dont l’élection en 1902 au Sénat fédéral fut à l’origine du plus grand procès politico-religieux d’Amérique. / The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, or “Mormon Church,” emerged during the first half of the 19th century while America was undergoing social and religious changes. Right from the outset, Joseph Smith, the prophet-founder, set the Church in a radical opposition, “protesting” the dogma of traditional Christianity as they had been defined and accepted for centuries. He attracted the ire of the “established Churches” of Evangelical Protestantism. In spite of the profound Americanness of his religion, it was labeled un-american and his followers were persecuted, driven out, and forced to build their “Zion” on the Frontier, and then in the West, on the margins of American society. Unlike several other religious groups and utopian movements, the “Mormons” managed to turn their marginalization into strength, developing thereby traits that made them “a peculiar people.” Yet, they also realized that to escape persecutions, they had to be at the center of the nation’s politics. The nomination of Mitt Romney by the Republican Party for the 2012 presidential election testifies to their success. How did that come about? Romney was also the object of a sturdy religious opposition during the Party’s primaries that reminded the ones set up by the Protestants in the cases of Al Smith (1928) and of John F. Kennedy (1960). How does one account for this refusal to see a Mormon in the White House? In this dissertation, we answer these questions, and to many more, particularly as we illustrate the fact that Romney, J. F. Kennedy and Al Smith had a predecessor in Reed Smoot, a Mormon apostle whose election in 1902 to the U.S. Senate set the tone for the greatest religiously and politically-motivated trial ever in American history.

The thesis deals with the authoritarian regime of the Second Czechoslovak Republic (1938-1939) in its Czech part, with the reasons of its origin, its description and its placement in the contemporary context. It shows the share of Catholic, politic and social elites in its creation as well as in efforts to enforce the Christian character of the new regime. It considers then critical stances against democracy of the Catholic Church, it compares authoritarian regime of the Second Republic with similiar regimes in then Europe and it tries to morally and ethically evaluate then stances of the Czech elites. The thesis also deals with anti-Jewish and anti-Gypsy measures of the Second Republic, and it tries to offer a valuable lesson from its development. Keywords Second Republic, authoritarian regime, Catholics, Catholic elites, party of national unity, estate state, antisemitism, Czechoslovak people's party, Stašek, Šrámek, Munich, Hácha

The master thesis Development of czech extreme right-wing after 1989 deals with three the most significant far right-wing parties in Czech republic after 1989. These parties are Association for republic - Czechoslovak Republican Party (SPR-RSČ), National Party (NS) and Workers' Party (DS). The only far right-wing body shall, which was able to enforce on Czech political scene and obtain representation in the Parliament was SPR-RSČ. Other two parties were unsuccessful in elections. Thesis has an ambition to make clear, why SPR-RSČ was that successful and other parties were not. But at the beginning of the thesis is explained concept of far right-wing. After this, is a chapter about SPR-RSČ, which was significant political party in the 90's. Nevertheless after unsuccessful elections in 1998 became piece by piece minor political force. Next part refers about NS, which was very unsuccessful in elections, but was able to attract attention of Czech media by its actions. Thesis also include chapter about DS, which was, as the only one after 1989, dissolved by the Supreme Administrative Court. However the party works under the name DSSS and nowadays is the most successful far right-wing party in Czech Republic. After that is a chapter, which clarifies the reasons why was SPR-RSČ successful and the other...

This thesis deals with the development and position of the far-right Workers Party (DS) and the Workers Party of Social Justice (DSSS) in the political system of the Czech Republic. The work also includes a theoretical part, dealing with different views on extremism and radicalism. Also discussed is the position of the far-right parties in Central and Western Europe. The main goal is to capture the roots of the Workers 'Party, but also action and ideological bases its successor the Workers Party of Social Justice. Emphasis is placed on the presentation of the party and demonstrations. They are namely the main way to reach supporters. The thesis also analyzes the election results of DS (DSSS) and try to include the party in the Czech party system according to the theory of Giovanni Sartori. There is also a description of the organizational structure of the party and its affiliated organizations. The last chapter discusses the symbolism and iconography of the party.

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