Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

The Korean Independence Movement was a four decades long endeavor from 1905 to 1945 by Koreans to liberate Korea from Japanese colonization. Korean immigrants in America played a vital role in the movement. They contributed money, organized patriotic activities in their communities to raise awareness and issued appeals for support to the U.S. government. Throughout the years, and from generation to generation, Korean immigrants remained loyal to Korea's cause for liberation. This study discusses how this intense patriotic involvement to their homeland affected Koreans immigrants' experiences in America, namely, how such intense overseas nationalism shaped their Americanization process. Korean immigrants have told about their experiences in the form of memoirs, short narratives, interviews and speeches. These provide many first-person perspectives from which to understand Korean immigrants' changing senses of community, patriotism and acculturation. Many of these sources have come available in the last twenty years, but academic scholars have left these source largely untouched. Historians of Korean immigrant history often discuss the political components of the K.I.M. Although recognizing the importance of the Korean Independence Movement to Korean immigrants, scholars have, nonetheless, said very little as to how this movement affected them socially. This study examines how America influenced historical developments culturally by shaping the attitudes of Korea's most politically active nationalists--the Korean immigrants in America. Furthermore, this study argues that Koreans in America utilized the K.I.M. for much more than Korean independence and that their motives evolved throughout the decades. The early immigrants used the K.I.M. as a means to establish a Korean community and establish social networks while the later activists, particularly after 1919, used their demonstrations to broadcast their distinct Asian identity as well as their assimilation and loyalty to America. More simply put, Korean patriotism and Korean immigrant "Americanization," are intimately connected.

Traditionally, Jesus and the contents of the Bible have always been thought of as exclusively concerned with spiritual and religious matters. The topic of Jesus and the social and political dimensions of the Gospel is therefore still a controversial idea for many Christians. Responses to the notion of Jesus as a social and political figure range from ignorance to avoidance and even resistance. Nevertheless scholars continue, in various ways, to explore and integrate the relationship between the religious, social and political dimensions of Jesus' words and actions. The aim of this study is to critically evaluate the notion of Jesus as 'radical social prophet‘ as set out in Horsley‘s book Jesus and the Spiral of Violence (1987). The purpose is to establish the historical validity of this notion and to determine its significance and implications for contemporary Christian reflection, teaching and discipleship. The study describes the development and impact of the social sciences on the interpretation of the New Testament. It also explains Horsley‘s presuppositions and method. An analysis of Horsley's construction of the historical, social and political context of Jesus‘ first century world is made. Horsley‘s view of the Kingdom of God is also discussed. The grammatico–historical examination of Horsley‘s reading of selected key biblical and extra–biblical texts forms a crucial part of the investigation. An appraisal of Horsley‘s notion of Jesus as 'radical social prophet‘ is made and its implications noted. The study finds adequate grounds for seeing Jesus fulfilling the role of a 'radical social prophet‘ in the same manner as the Old Testament prophets. The conclusion reached is that Horsley‘s (1987) notion of Jesus as 'radical social prophet‘, while inadequate to account for the theological nature and mission of Jesus, is nevertheless useful to highlight the often overlooked social and political dimensions of Jesus and the Gospels. / Thesis (M.A. (New Testament))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012.

Traditionally, Jesus and the contents of the Bible have always been thought of as exclusively concerned with spiritual and religious matters. The topic of Jesus and the social and political dimensions of the Gospel is therefore still a controversial idea for many Christians. Responses to the notion of Jesus as a social and political figure range from ignorance to avoidance and even resistance. Nevertheless scholars continue, in various ways, to explore and integrate the relationship between the religious, social and political dimensions of Jesus' words and actions. The aim of this study is to critically evaluate the notion of Jesus as 'radical social prophet‘ as set out in Horsley‘s book Jesus and the Spiral of Violence (1987). The purpose is to establish the historical validity of this notion and to determine its significance and implications for contemporary Christian reflection, teaching and discipleship. The study describes the development and impact of the social sciences on the interpretation of the New Testament. It also explains Horsley‘s presuppositions and method. An analysis of Horsley's construction of the historical, social and political context of Jesus‘ first century world is made. Horsley‘s view of the Kingdom of God is also discussed. The grammatico–historical examination of Horsley‘s reading of selected key biblical and extra–biblical texts forms a crucial part of the investigation. An appraisal of Horsley‘s notion of Jesus as 'radical social prophet‘ is made and its implications noted. The study finds adequate grounds for seeing Jesus fulfilling the role of a 'radical social prophet‘ in the same manner as the Old Testament prophets. The conclusion reached is that Horsley‘s (1987) notion of Jesus as 'radical social prophet‘, while inadequate to account for the theological nature and mission of Jesus, is nevertheless useful to highlight the often overlooked social and political dimensions of Jesus and the Gospels. / Thesis (M.A. (New Testament))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012.

Há mais de um século, a população pobre da cidade de Porto Alegre sofre com remoções. Percebe-se uma continuidade na prática de políticas remocionistas em determinadas localidades da capital gaúcha e, recentemente, milhares de pessoas foram removidas por causa de obras diretamente relacionadas a realização do megaevento Copa do Mundo 2014 na cidade. A forma como se deu esse processo revelou que as remoções e a consequente transformação urbana não ocorrem de forma pacífica. A cidade é uma arena de disputa entre diversos grupos sociais em que se confrontam diferentes discursos sobre a sua construção, ganhando corpo tanto em uma dimensão discursiva quanto material. São objetos de investigação deste trabalho as transformações que motivaram as desapropriações do espaço a partir das intervenções urbanas e as consequentes remoções de comunidades, favelas e vilas para a construção ou remodelação de arquiteturas urbanas, bem como o deslocamento das pessoas para outras áreas da cidade. Para tanto, são analisados três territórios que sofreram remoções: Ilhota, Dique e Tronco. A Ilhota é uma comunidade que sofreu a maior remoção da cidade no final dos anos 1970, devido a um processo de gentrificação do centro da capital Dique e Tronco são comunidades que sofreram remoções depois do anúncio que o megaevento Copa do Mundo seria realizado na cidade. Com a ideia de construir cartografias das remoções, três instrumentos foram utilizados como forma de registro, análise e construção de saberes para detectar pontos de conflitos e injustiças nesses territórios: (i) documentário sobre as violências sofridas e as resistências à remoção para a permanência de suas casas; (ii) mapas que evidenciam a periferização das pessoa que sofreram as remoções; (iii) levantamento dos mecanismos de remoção empregados pelo Estado para pressionar as famílias a saírem de suas casas. As cartografias das remoções buscam tratá-las como um dos eixos de um projeto de transformação profunda na dinâmica urbana, envolvendo de um lado novos processos de elitização e mercantilização da cidade, e de outro, novos padrões de relação entre o Estado e os agentes econômicos e sociais, marcados pela negação das esferas públicas democráticas de tomada de decisões e por intervenções autoritárias. / For more than a century, the poor population of the city of Porto Alegre have suffered with the urban removals. There is a continuity in the practice of removal policies in certain locations in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, and recently thousands of people have been removed because of works directly related to the 2014 World Cup mega-event in the city. The way in which this process took place has revealed that the removals and the consequent urban transformation do not occur in a peaceful way. The city is an arena of dispute between several social groups in which different discourses about their construction are confronted, taking shapeboth in a discursive and material dimension. This study aims at the transformations that motivated the expropriation of space from the urban interventions and the consequent removals of communities, favelas and villages for the construction or remodeling of urban architectures, as well as the displacement of the people to other areas of the city. For this purpose, three territories that have been removed are analyzed: Ilhota, Dique and Tronco. Ilhota is a community that suffered the largest removal of the city in the late 1970s, due to a process of gentrification of the city center Dique and Tronco are communities that suffered removals after the announcement that the mega-event World Cup would be held in the city. With the idea of constructing cartographies of the removals, three instruments were used to record, analyze and build knowledge in order to detect points of conflict and injustice in these territories: (i) a documentary about the violence suffered and the resistance to removal for the permanence of their homes; (ii) maps showing the peripheralization of the people who suffered the removals; (iii) a survey of the removal mechanisms employed by the State to pressure families to leave their homes. Removal cartography seeks to treat them as one of the axes of a project of deep transformation in urban dynamics, involving on the one hand new processes of elitization and commercialization of the city, and on the other, new patterns of relationship between the State and economic and social agents, marked by the denial of the democratic public spheres of decision-making and by authoritarian interventions.

Há mais de um século, a população pobre da cidade de Porto Alegre sofre com remoções. Percebe-se uma continuidade na prática de políticas remocionistas em determinadas localidades da capital gaúcha e, recentemente, milhares de pessoas foram removidas por causa de obras diretamente relacionadas a realização do megaevento Copa do Mundo 2014 na cidade. A forma como se deu esse processo revelou que as remoções e a consequente transformação urbana não ocorrem de forma pacífica. A cidade é uma arena de disputa entre diversos grupos sociais em que se confrontam diferentes discursos sobre a sua construção, ganhando corpo tanto em uma dimensão discursiva quanto material. São objetos de investigação deste trabalho as transformações que motivaram as desapropriações do espaço a partir das intervenções urbanas e as consequentes remoções de comunidades, favelas e vilas para a construção ou remodelação de arquiteturas urbanas, bem como o deslocamento das pessoas para outras áreas da cidade. Para tanto, são analisados três territórios que sofreram remoções: Ilhota, Dique e Tronco. A Ilhota é uma comunidade que sofreu a maior remoção da cidade no final dos anos 1970, devido a um processo de gentrificação do centro da capital Dique e Tronco são comunidades que sofreram remoções depois do anúncio que o megaevento Copa do Mundo seria realizado na cidade. Com a ideia de construir cartografias das remoções, três instrumentos foram utilizados como forma de registro, análise e construção de saberes para detectar pontos de conflitos e injustiças nesses territórios: (i) documentário sobre as violências sofridas e as resistências à remoção para a permanência de suas casas; (ii) mapas que evidenciam a periferização das pessoa que sofreram as remoções; (iii) levantamento dos mecanismos de remoção empregados pelo Estado para pressionar as famílias a saírem de suas casas. As cartografias das remoções buscam tratá-las como um dos eixos de um projeto de transformação profunda na dinâmica urbana, envolvendo de um lado novos processos de elitização e mercantilização da cidade, e de outro, novos padrões de relação entre o Estado e os agentes econômicos e sociais, marcados pela negação das esferas públicas democráticas de tomada de decisões e por intervenções autoritárias. / For more than a century, the poor population of the city of Porto Alegre have suffered with the urban removals. There is a continuity in the practice of removal policies in certain locations in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, and recently thousands of people have been removed because of works directly related to the 2014 World Cup mega-event in the city. The way in which this process took place has revealed that the removals and the consequent urban transformation do not occur in a peaceful way. The city is an arena of dispute between several social groups in which different discourses about their construction are confronted, taking shapeboth in a discursive and material dimension. This study aims at the transformations that motivated the expropriation of space from the urban interventions and the consequent removals of communities, favelas and villages for the construction or remodeling of urban architectures, as well as the displacement of the people to other areas of the city. For this purpose, three territories that have been removed are analyzed: Ilhota, Dique and Tronco. Ilhota is a community that suffered the largest removal of the city in the late 1970s, due to a process of gentrification of the city center Dique and Tronco are communities that suffered removals after the announcement that the mega-event World Cup would be held in the city. With the idea of constructing cartographies of the removals, three instruments were used to record, analyze and build knowledge in order to detect points of conflict and injustice in these territories: (i) a documentary about the violence suffered and the resistance to removal for the permanence of their homes; (ii) maps showing the peripheralization of the people who suffered the removals; (iii) a survey of the removal mechanisms employed by the State to pressure families to leave their homes. Removal cartography seeks to treat them as one of the axes of a project of deep transformation in urban dynamics, involving on the one hand new processes of elitization and commercialization of the city, and on the other, new patterns of relationship between the State and economic and social agents, marked by the denial of the democratic public spheres of decision-making and by authoritarian interventions.

Há mais de um século, a população pobre da cidade de Porto Alegre sofre com remoções. Percebe-se uma continuidade na prática de políticas remocionistas em determinadas localidades da capital gaúcha e, recentemente, milhares de pessoas foram removidas por causa de obras diretamente relacionadas a realização do megaevento Copa do Mundo 2014 na cidade. A forma como se deu esse processo revelou que as remoções e a consequente transformação urbana não ocorrem de forma pacífica. A cidade é uma arena de disputa entre diversos grupos sociais em que se confrontam diferentes discursos sobre a sua construção, ganhando corpo tanto em uma dimensão discursiva quanto material. São objetos de investigação deste trabalho as transformações que motivaram as desapropriações do espaço a partir das intervenções urbanas e as consequentes remoções de comunidades, favelas e vilas para a construção ou remodelação de arquiteturas urbanas, bem como o deslocamento das pessoas para outras áreas da cidade. Para tanto, são analisados três territórios que sofreram remoções: Ilhota, Dique e Tronco. A Ilhota é uma comunidade que sofreu a maior remoção da cidade no final dos anos 1970, devido a um processo de gentrificação do centro da capital Dique e Tronco são comunidades que sofreram remoções depois do anúncio que o megaevento Copa do Mundo seria realizado na cidade. Com a ideia de construir cartografias das remoções, três instrumentos foram utilizados como forma de registro, análise e construção de saberes para detectar pontos de conflitos e injustiças nesses territórios: (i) documentário sobre as violências sofridas e as resistências à remoção para a permanência de suas casas; (ii) mapas que evidenciam a periferização das pessoa que sofreram as remoções; (iii) levantamento dos mecanismos de remoção empregados pelo Estado para pressionar as famílias a saírem de suas casas. As cartografias das remoções buscam tratá-las como um dos eixos de um projeto de transformação profunda na dinâmica urbana, envolvendo de um lado novos processos de elitização e mercantilização da cidade, e de outro, novos padrões de relação entre o Estado e os agentes econômicos e sociais, marcados pela negação das esferas públicas democráticas de tomada de decisões e por intervenções autoritárias. / For more than a century, the poor population of the city of Porto Alegre have suffered with the urban removals. There is a continuity in the practice of removal policies in certain locations in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, and recently thousands of people have been removed because of works directly related to the 2014 World Cup mega-event in the city. The way in which this process took place has revealed that the removals and the consequent urban transformation do not occur in a peaceful way. The city is an arena of dispute between several social groups in which different discourses about their construction are confronted, taking shapeboth in a discursive and material dimension. This study aims at the transformations that motivated the expropriation of space from the urban interventions and the consequent removals of communities, favelas and villages for the construction or remodeling of urban architectures, as well as the displacement of the people to other areas of the city. For this purpose, three territories that have been removed are analyzed: Ilhota, Dique and Tronco. Ilhota is a community that suffered the largest removal of the city in the late 1970s, due to a process of gentrification of the city center Dique and Tronco are communities that suffered removals after the announcement that the mega-event World Cup would be held in the city. With the idea of constructing cartographies of the removals, three instruments were used to record, analyze and build knowledge in order to detect points of conflict and injustice in these territories: (i) a documentary about the violence suffered and the resistance to removal for the permanence of their homes; (ii) maps showing the peripheralization of the people who suffered the removals; (iii) a survey of the removal mechanisms employed by the State to pressure families to leave their homes. Removal cartography seeks to treat them as one of the axes of a project of deep transformation in urban dynamics, involving on the one hand new processes of elitization and commercialization of the city, and on the other, new patterns of relationship between the State and economic and social agents, marked by the denial of the democratic public spheres of decision-making and by authoritarian interventions.

This research is born from a conscious reflection on the roles and judgements that traditional scientific analyses imprint in its objects of study, especially in the field of social movement theory. It aims to understand whether and, to which extent, autonomous resistances knowledges constructed on the ground challenge the academic interpretations of those movements. For this reason, the first part of this dissertation focuses on unravelling how traditional ontologies have been built and underpin majoritarian scientific analyses. Thus, I review most current debates in the field. Traditional social movement research tends to focus on dualist discussions related to new and old social movements, European and American approaches, behavioural or cost-benefits views, structural and agency approaches, identity-based interpretations, etc. In opposition to that, I argue for an ontology breaking with dualist views, placing Deleuze’s concept of difference at the centre of my argument and feminist ontologies of the body as the medium affecting the political experience. I propose an autoethnographic method focused on presenting a cartography of urban resistance movements composed by difference and rhizomatic relationships in opposition to the homogenisation of ideas and demands of academic research for pilling up patterns, variables or categories. Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of the BwO is presented here as a theoretical tool that helps to introduce the case study in relation with its contexts, relationships, affects and networks. The second part of this research narrates and analyses how the proposed theory is unwrapped in the field. In doing so, I analyse my participation with and from within one of those collectives, Can Batlló and, more specifically, a project named La Fondona. Can Batlló is an autonomous and self-organised social centre in the neighbourhood of La Bordeta in Barcelona with which I worked during six months between 2013 and 2014. Throughout this period, I participated actively not only in Can Batlló but also in the actions and events that took place in the neighbourhood of Sants-Montjuïc and Barcelona. Hence, I present an analysis of the internal processes, relations and knowledge-practices as well as the relationships that this collective maintains with the community, its sociopolitical space and historical context. I argue those relations are constructed through rhizomatic principles as well as drawing from feminist approaches which put life and the body at the centre of their arguments. These outcomes will be finally reflected in chapter IX of this dissertation under the lenses of the research question posed in this thesis. That is whether current urban resistances challenge majoritarian social movements’ analyses. / Marie Curie Fellow Program and University of Utrecth

This project engages theories of settler colonialism, biopower, and the state of exception to analyze the operations of rights-based narratives of citizenship in relation to political dissent in Canada. I argue that a normalized state of exception founds the white supremacist, settler colonial state, bringing Canadian citizenship into being as a (white) racialized, (cis)gendered, and (hetero)sexualized construct. By examining “resistance narratives” about the Toronto G20 that emerged in the post-G20 climate, my work argues that, in treating the policing practices employed during the G20 as exceptional and in (re)producing the exaltation of white heterosexual cis-masculine citizens, these narratives normalize and reinforce the daily operations of the exception, which targets Indigenous, racialized, and other “Others” in Canada. Finally, my work critically engages with the space of the Eastern Detention Centre (EDC) as a temporary camp set up to detain G20 arrestees, and with the narrative of “Torontonamo” that emerged to describe and explain the EDC. Reading the EDC in the context of other spatial organizations of the exception in Canada, I argue that the “Torontonamo” narrative reasserts race thinking in relation to the normalized operations of the exception. In so doing, it (re)produces white citizen-subjects as the proper recipients of national and international human rights, while abandoning racialized populations to the space of the camp. Ultimately, my work writes against the hegemonic view of the Toronto G20 as an exceptional event in Canadian history. I contend that G20 policing practices were only a hyper-visible example of the normalized operations of the exception within settler colonialism. / Thesis (Master, Gender Studies) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-29 21:16:51.694

Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Liberation movements came into being across the entire African continent as a political response to colonisation. However, Africa has in this field, as in so many others, been largely understudied, in comparison to revolutionary movements in South America and South East Asia. While many case studies on specific liberation movements exist, very few are comparative in nature. This study will do precisely that using the framework of Thomas H. Greene. The resistance movements in South Africa and Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia, consisted of several organisations, but the ones that emerged as the most powerful and significant in the two countries were the ANC and ZANU respectively. Although their situations were similar in many ways, there were other factors that necessarily led to two very different liberation struggles. This study looks closer at these factors, why they were so, and what this meant for the two movements. It focuses on the different characteristics of the movements, dividing these into leadership, support base, ideology, organisation, strategies and external support. All revolutionary movements rely on these factors to varying degrees, depending on the conditions they are operating under. The ANC and ZANU both had to fight under very difficult and different circumstances, with oppressive minority regimes severely restricting their actions. This meant that the non-violent protests that initially were a great influence for the leadership of both movements – especially with the successes of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa and India, inevitably had to give way to the more effective strategies of sabotage and armed struggle. Like other African resistance movements, nationalism was used as the main mobilising tool within the populations. In South Africa the struggle against apartheid was more complex and multidimensional than in Zimbabwe. Ultimately successful in their efforts, the ANC and ZANU both became the political parties that assumed power after liberation. This study does not extend to post-liberation problems.