Thesis (LLM (Public Law))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The 1996 Constitution provides in s 25(7) that individuals and communities who had been dispossessed of rights in land after 19 June 1913, as a result of past discriminatory laws, may claim restitution or equitable redress. The Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 reiterates the 1913 cut-off date for restitution claims. The cut-off date appears to preclude pre-1913 land dispossessions. Various reasons are cited for this date, the most obvious being that it reflects the date on which the Black Land Act came into effect. The Richtersveld and Popela decisions of the lower courts appear to confirm the view that historically based land claims for dispossessions that occurred prior to 1913 are excluded from the restitution process. In Australia and Canada restitution orders have been made possible by the judicially crafted doctrine of aboriginal land rights. However, historical restitution claims based on this doctrine are constrained by the assumption that the Crown, in establishing title during colonisation, extinguished all existing titles to land. This would have meant that the indigenous proprietary systems would have been lost irrevocably through colonisation. In seeking to overcome the sovereignty issue, Australian and Canadian courts have distinguished between the loss of sovereignty and the loss of title to land. In this way, the sovereignty of the Crown is left intact while restitution orders are rendered possible. South African courts do not have to grapple with the sovereignty issue since post-apartheid legislation authorises the land restitution process. The appeal decisions in Richtersveld and Popela recognised that some use rights survived the colonial dispossession of ownership. This surviving right was later the subject of a second dispossession under apartheid. By using this construction, which is not unlike the logic of the doctrine of aboriginal title in fragmenting proprietary interests, the second dispossession could then be said to meet the 1913 cut-off date, so that all historically based land claims are not necessarily excluded by the 1913 cut-off date. However, it is still possible that some pre-1913 dispossessions could not be brought under the umbrella of the Richtersveld and Popela construction, and the question whether historically based restitution claims are possible despite the 1913 cut-off date will resurface, especially if the claimants are not accommodated in the government’s land redistribution programme / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die 1996 Grondwet bepaal in a 25(7) dat individue en gemeenskappe wat na 19 Junie 1913 van ‘n reg in grond ontneem is, as gevolg van rasgebaseerde wetgewing en praktyke, geregtig is om herstel van sodanige regte of gelykwaardige vergoeding te eis. Die Wet op Herstel van Grondregte 22 van 1994herhaal die 1913-afsnydatum vir grondeise. Dit lyk dus asof die afsnydatum die ontneming van grond voor 1913 uitsluit. Verskeie redes word vir hierdie datum aangevoer, waarvan die bekendste is dat dit die datum is waarop die Swart Grond Wet in werking getree het. Dit beslissing van die laer howe in beide die Richtersveld- en die Popela-beslissings bevestig blykbaar dat ontneming van grond of regte in grond voor 1913 van die restitusie-proses uitgesluit word. In Australië en Kanada is restitusiebevele moontlik gemaak deur die leerstuk van inheemse grondregte. Historiese restitusie-eise in hierdie jurisdiksies word egter aan bande gelê deur die veronderstelling dat die Kroon, deur die vestiging van titel gedurende kolonialisering, alle vorige titels op die grond uitgewis het. Dit sou beteken dat die inheemsregtelike grondregsisteme onherroeplik verlore geraak het deur kolonialisering. Ten einde die soewereiniteitsprobleem te oorkom het die Australiese en Kanadese howe onderskei tussen die verlies van soewereiniteit en die verlies van titel tot die grond. Op hierdie wyse word die soewereiniteit van die Kroon onaangeraak gelaat terwyl restitusiebevele steeds ‘n moontlikheid is. Suid-Afrikaanse howe het nie nodig gehad om die soewereiniteitskwessie aan te spreek nie omdat post-apartheid wetgewing die herstel van grondregte magtig. Die appélbeslissings in Richtersveld en Popela erken dat sekere gebruiksregte die koloniale ontneming van eiendom oorleef het. Die oorblywende gebruiksregte is later ‘n tweede keer ontneem as gevolg van apartheid. Deur gebruikmaking van hierdie konstruksie, wat dieselfde logika volg as die leerstuk van inheemsregtelike regte en berus op fragmentasie van eiendomsaansprake, kan gesê word dat die tweede ontneming van grond wel binne die 1913-afsnydatum val. Gevolglik sal alle historiese restitusie-eise nie noodwendig deur die 1913- afsnydatum uitgesluit word nie. Dit is steeds moontlik dat sommige pre-1913 ontnemings nooit onder die vaandel van die Richtersveld- en Popela-beslissings gebring sal kan word nie, en die vraag of histories gebaseerde eise moontlik is ongeag die 1913-afsnydatum sal daarom weer opduik, veral indien die grondeisers nie geakkommodeer word in die grondherverdelingsprogram van die staat nie.

This paper undertakes an indepth study of the Kipi land restitution claim. This study focuses on the nature of the settlement achieved in the case ofthe Kipi land claim and covers the period 1993 to 1999. It compares the Cato Manor reconstruction and development process and the Kipi land restoration and housing process within the Durban Metropolitan's Inner West Council area. The study does this by tracing the history of the Kipi community's relationship with the land, documenting the communities resistance of the removal in terms of the Group Areas Act and presenting a critical examination of the communities efforts to reclaim and develop their land. The study uses the case ~tudy method to analyse the principles embedded in this settlement and attempts to draw on these to inform possible policy recommendations in respect of other urban land claims. The central thesis of this dissertation argues that the quality of restitution delivery is directly affected by the degree to which it is located within local development coordination and management institutions and structures. In the Kipi claim the Council chose negotiation rather than the apartheid planning principles of prescription and coercion. This resulted in a integration of the housing and restitution processes. It is in this light that the role of the land claims working group which was set up by the Commission and the Durban Metro Inner West local council is evaluated. While in the Cato Manor case the Council chose to follow the legal route and opposed restoration in terms of section 34 of the Restitution ofLand Rights Act. The consequences of following the legal route has been that the housing and land restitution processes have been compartmentalised. It is argued that post apartheid planning is indeed a complex process that needs to engage creatively and flexibly with issues of over due social justice and the current development needs of the urban poor. It is important that in reconstructing the urban landscape that communities are involved in planning models that focus on bottom up processes for successful outcomes. / Thesis (M.Dev.Studies)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

The main question of this thesis is to what extent the rights-based and market-driven nature of the restitution program has given rise to a legalistic and bureaucratic process that negates both the demand-driven and the developmental aspects of restitution as land reform. I answer this question by showing that the choice of a Constitutional model with a Bill of Rights provides the background for a rights-based land reform program. This is especially true for the restitution sub-program, one of the three branches along with redistribution and tenure of the overall land reform program. I then consider the debate around the property clause, and how its inclusion provided the context for a market and rights-based approach to land reform as opposed to a supply-led administrative approach. Because the property clause as a First Generation right prevents expropriation of land without market-related compensation, a complex and legalistic land reform program falling within the ambit of Second Generation rights was formulated to address the gross imbalance in land ownership in South Africa. I argue that the contemporary origin of Second Generation human rights lies within the context of class and anti-globalisation struggles for democracy, and that they are something to be fought for and defended. I discuss the distinction between First, Second and Third Generation rights and identify four spheres within which the struggle for Second and Third Generation rights takes place within modern democratic states. These are the state, the representative public sphere, civil society and the private sphere. I then deal with the problem of trying to turn "paper rights" into realisable rights for the more disadvantaged sectors of society. I also look at what impedes their realisation. I argue that a number of strategies are necessary to ensure the delivery of Second and Third Generation rights. These are an adequate legislative framework, a good communication strategy, the development of institutional capacity to deliver, and if all else fails, access to conflict resolution mechanisms. I consider the major impediments to the realisation of Second and Third Generation rights to be the way in which they are defined in relation to First Generation rights, especially the property clause, the way in which access to rights-backed resources through formal institutions are mediated by the operation of informal institutions, and the dearth of administrative competence in South Africa. My point is that in order for Second and Third Generation rights to have practical benefit for the dispossessed and poor, extraordinary measures are needed. The Restitution arm of the land reform program provides in theory just such extraordinary measures, albeit for only a section of the population. I analyse the effectiveness of the Land Claims Court in assisting restitution claimants and the rural poor to realize their rights. I trace the slow and haphazard shift from a positivistic statutory interpretation (narrow, literal, legalistic) to a purposive interpretation (informed by the Constitutional spirit and social purpose of the legislation) by the Court. This is followed by an analysis of the restitution business process, which means tracing the path of the claim from lodgement to settlement. I set out the costly, complex and legalistic implementation and policy process in some detail. My argument is that in order for a rights-based approach to overcome the impediments outlined in Chapter 3, as well as the property clause in the Constitution, its architects designed a complex process that in the end proved counter-productive in terms of its original aims. The failure of the process to deliver led in 1998 the then Minister of Land Affairs, Derek Hannekom, to appoint a Ministerial Review to investigate the problems. Problems included: slowness of delivery, the crisis of unplannability, low levels of trust between implementers, and high levels of frustration. Two issues are analysed more fully, the rights-driven approach as opposed to the rights-based approach and the lack of claimant participation in taking control of the restitution process. I examine the relationship of the Restitution Commission to the Department of Land Affairs and to municipal land use planning processes. The emphasis on rights within the restitution program had the effect of distancing restitution, especially in the first few years of the programs' existence, from the rest of the land reform program, as well as from the local government process of formulating land development objectives (LDOs), and the Integrated Development Planning (lOP) process. I look at the Port Elizabeth Land and Community Restoration Association (Pelcra) as a case study as it embodies an approach that tries to move beyond a mere reclaiming of rights in land and attempts to implement a developmental approach. I conclude that the rights-based restitution program in spite of its many shortcomings has had some success. It has moved slowly from an overly legalistic judicial program to a more administrative but still bureaucratic process, that has delivered only 27 percent of its product as land reform, the rest going to monetary compensation mainly in urban areas. Thus it can be argued that restitution has been more successful as a program to promote reconciliation along the lines of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, than as a land reform program, especially if one regards land reform as the restoration of rural land to the indigenous population. There have also been some successful attempts by the Commission, such as in the case of PELCRA, to integrate the processing of its claims with local government planning processes, but progress in this direction remains patchy.

The purpose of the Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 is to provide for the restitution of rights in land to persons or communities dispossessed of such rights after 19 June 1913 as a result of past racially discriminatory laws or practices. The restitution of a right in land can include the restoration of a right in land. The aim of this dissertation is to investigate the requirement of feasibility in restoring land rights and in particular the role of feasibility studies and the courts’ interpretation of the feasibility requirement in restoring such rights. The methodology used includes a review of literature, legislation and policies on land restitution and an analysis of case law. The outcome of the research indicates that while actual restoration ought to take preference in all instances, it may only be granted once all the relevant circumstances and factors have been considered. In certain circumstances it may not be feasible to restore land rights. / Private Law / LL. M. (Property Law)

In South Africa, conservation and tourism planning that incorporate local communities, has a greater significance today than before given the historical Apartheid legacy, which marginalised the majority of the population from democratic processes and economic opportunities. Community participation in the critical facets of conservation and tourism, that is planning, decision-making and management has been an object of research discourse for a long time. Issues around sustainability, governance, employment opportunity and equity, cost and benefit-sharing, land rights, capacity-building, active participation and conflicts have received great attention from scholars throughout the world. Externally-generated (observer) views on the nature and extent of local community participation in conservation and tourism management, more often than not, fail to depict the perceptions of the local residents. Explanations tend to be more prescriptive and are forced onto the stakeholders, who are directly affected by the circumstances around them. The voice of the local residents clearly articulates their views and attitudes much more than any other external views. The goal of this research study is to investigate the perceptions of local community on their participation in wildlife conservation, ecotourism and social development and the information gathered will be used to develop a new model for enhanced private sector-community collaboration and communication for sustainability. The study interrogates factors constraining collaboration, which include organisational culture, power differentials and communication, from the perspectives of stakeholders, especially the grassroots community. It engages with the community for its views and opinions and as a result, delivers valuable criticisms of and suggestions for the improvement of the process followed. A qualitative approach was adopted. Data collection and analysis methods were identified, explained, justified and implemented. This project is a Case Study, carried out in Umkhanyakhude District of KZN, in which Phinda Game Reserve and the surrounding local communities are located. Makhasa and Mnqobokazi are situated about 30-40 kilometres north-east of Hluhluwe, on the R22 Road that links the town with Sodwana Bay. Semi-structured individual and group interviews allow the study participants to identify and describe concerns or concepts that may not have been expected or considered by the researcher Interviews are of particular importance to ensure honesty and impartiality. Documentary analysis allowed to generate inferences through objective and systematic identification of core elements of a written communication. Observation was used to capture situations of interest not readily volunteered by the participants due to notable different views among members of the particular community. The Adapted Nominal Group Technique workshop was prepared and conducted, to augment the other methods. A multi-method approach ensured the reliability of the findings and the validity of both the approaches and the data collected. The historical background of &Beyond, its philosophy and journey towards sustainable wildlife conservation, tourism and social development was discussed. It was evident that due to the proximity of Makhasa and Mnqobokazi, activities of Phinda directly affected the communities and the same applies to those of the communities in Phinda. There was an apparent need to carefully and properly manage the cultural, socio-economic, political and spatial relationships to build a common understanding about roles and responsibilities of stakeholders in a mutually beneficial manner. The findings of the study illustrates that the perceptions and attitudes of the local residents on their participation in decision-making and management of conservation, tourism and social development are important for sustainability. The understanding of land rights issues was restricted to a few. While there was general appreciation for the activities of Phinda and Africa Foundation, the participants expressed their unfulfilled expectations, concerns and also made suggestions for a way forward to prevent conflict and ensure sustainable conservation and tourism. Skewed power relations, lack of participation in decision-making, poor governance, employment opportunities and equity, lack of transparency and poor communication strategies were among the main issues raised by the participants. Constructive criticism and recommendations, together with the Bending the Curve Model could serve as a valuable community engagement framework for private sector tourism companies and private game reserves to involve and work with surrounding communities to ensure more sustainable private game reserves in the future. The study recommends the model with some concrete, practical measures adapted from ideas of collaborative theory, for sustainable development / School of Agriculture and Environmental Sciences / Ph. D. (Environmental Management)

The VAT consequences of land expropriations appear to be a grey area with no definitive answer as to which expropriations are zero rated or vatable at 14%. While it is generally understood that the government performs expropriations, there are many departments within the government that have authority to perform these expropriations independently. Based on section 11(1)(s) and (t) of the VAT Act, depending on which department performs the expropriation and under which Act the expropriations are made it will be determined whether the expropriation will attract VAT at 14% or 0%. However, the detail contained in section 11(1)(s) and (t) does not lend itself to a clear cut explanation as to the motive behind why some expropriations are zero rated and others that are fundamentally similar are vatable at 14%. This study performs a comparison of expropriations under the Housing Act, Restitution of Land Rights Act and the Provision of Land and Assistance Act and their VAT consequences. The purpose of this study is to try and find the driving factor that determines the VAT consequences of the different expropriations and to determine whether there is a commonality. The study performs an analysis of the expropriating authorities of the different Acts mentioned above and determines whether their VAT vendor status has an influence as to whether VAT is levied at 0% or 14% or whether the entire transaction is an exempt supply. The conclusion reached is that the most appropriate course of action would be to apply a blanket rule of zero rating the supply. This would reduce confusion and uncertainty relating to the VAT consequences and would also assist all parties concerned to have the same expectation. It is important that the South African Revenue Service provides some guidelines to assist in understanding the VAT consequences of expropriations in South Africa, as they will be required to enforce the legislation. AFRIKAANS : Die BTW-gevolge van grondonteienings blyk ‘n grys gebied te wees met geen duidelike antwoorde wanneer dit kom by watter van hierdie onteienings onderhewig is aan nulkoers en watter onteienings belasbaar is teen 14% nie. Alhoewel die algemene gevoel is dat die regering onteienings uitvoer, is daar wel departemente binne die regering wat die volmag het om hierdie onteienings onafhanklik toe te pas. Op grond van artikel 11(1)(e) en (t) van die BTW-wet, sal vasgestel word watter onteienings aan 14% of nulkoers BTW onderhewig is deur te kyk na watter departement die onteienings uitvoer en onder watter wet die onteienings gemaak is. Die detail wat in artikel 11(1)(e) en (t) vervat word is nie heeltemal duidelik oor hoekom sekere onteienings aan nulkoers onderhewig is en ander, wat fundamenteel dieselfde is, belasbaar is teen 14% nie. ʼn Vergelyking van onteienings wat onder die Wet op Behuising, Wet op Herstel van Grondregte en die Wet op die Beskikbaarstelling van Grond en Bystand plaasvind, asook die BTW-gevolge van elke wet, word deur middel van hierdie studie gemaak. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te bepaal watter faktore die BTW-gevolge van die verskillende onteienings bepaal, en of die faktore iets in gemeen het. Die studie analiseer die onteieningsgesag wat by die verskillende wette soos hierbo genoem ter sprake is en bepaal of die BTW-ondernemer-status ‘n invloed het op of 1) BTW teen nulkoers of 14% toegedien word en of 2) die hele transaksie ‘n nie-belasbare lewering is. Die gevolgtrekking wat bereik word is dat die mees geskikte plan van aksie sal wees om alle lewerings onderhewig te maak aan ‘n nulkoers. Dit sal verwarring en onsekerheid met betrekking tot die BTW-gevolge verminder en verseker dat alle betrokke partye dieselfde verwagting sal hê. Dit is belangrik dat die Suid-Afrikaanse Inkomstediens riglyne sal verskaf wat kan help om die BTW-gevolge van onteienings in Suid-Afrika verstaanbaar te maak, aangesien daar in elk geval van die regering vereis word om wetgewing af te dwing. / Dissertation (MCom)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Taxation / unrestricted