The aim for this study is to discern what Swedish history teachers and a few select text books view on history is and how they work around the planning and teaching surrounding political revolutions. The revolutions that have been studied for this thesis is the American, French and Russian revolutions, which have been picked for their magnitude and significance for Europe and the outside world in their respective time frame. The method chosen for the thesis is a qualitative content analysis, which has been applied onto both interviews that were held with four teachers of history, as well as onto an analysis of three different Swedish school books. The chosen theoretical framework was incorporated into the content analysis and is focused on views of history dependent on different historical perspectives on what has driven history forward. These views consist of: ideological/operator-driven, historical materialism, gender-based, ‘from-below’, ‘from-above’ and structural perspectives. The interviewed teachers claimed to operate after many different historical perspectives, and that their educational methods were mainly concerned with teaching the students to consider what their own perspectives were. The text books showed that they, at most times, operated after an ideological/operator-driven perspective with elements of historical materialism and structural perspectives. Both the teachers and text books spent the most time on the French revolution and the least amount of time on the Russian revolution.

The most up-to-date definition of Revolutions in Military Affairs (RMA) is defined by military an-alysts as the role of technology in transforming military affairs. Despite the amount of literature on how RMA impacts great powers the significance of RMA for small states is limited. Is RMA suffi-cient and suitable to define a change in small states security strategies? The purpose of this study is to analyze to what extent RMA can be traced in Swedish strategy implementation after applying Francis Domingo’s theory of small states security strategies. The method used in this essay is a case study that analyses to what extent RMA can be found and proven by using the strategy implementation factors defined in Domingo’s theory. The result of this study shows that only two out of four strategies can prove RMA in Sweden’s implementation of security strategies. The result gives reason for criticism due to Domingo’s the-ory’s inability to trace and prove RMA and its implication in a small state’s security strategies.

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Orientador: Silvio Cesar Camargo / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T12:41:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Conti_M._M.pdf: 843274 bytes, checksum: 4c498ea756b3a616ad385732c59a1471 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a questão do imperialismo na produção teórica de Florestan Fernandes no período que 1966-1975. Inserido no debate nacional das décadas de 50 e 60 sobre as condições, possibilidades e limitações para a superação do subdesenvolvimento no Brasil, Florestan Fernandes desenvolve uma crítica ao padrão de modernização próprio ao capitalismo dependente. Para ele, a dominação externa imperialista, que articula interesses econômicos e políticos entre as burguesias externas e internas, é um fator determinante para o tipo de ordem social burguesa que se monta na periferia: iníqua, autocrática e dependente. Assim, Florestan recusa a possibilidade do desenvolvimento capitalista independente e democrático como via possível de superação do subdesenvolvimento para os países dependentes da América Latina e passa a refletir sobre a emancipação dos pobres e oprimidos como um processo de revolução necessariamente anticapitalista e antiburguês / Abstract: This research work aims to analyze the issue associated to the imperialism as referred in the theoretical production of Florestan Fernandes in the period of 1966 to 1975. Florestan Fernandes presents a critique inserted on the national debate on the conditions, possibilities and limitations to overcome the underdevelopment in Brazil in which He considers the adopted modernization pattern to be a characteristic of dependent capitalism. The author emphasizes the foreign imperialist domination, which articulates economic and political interests between the external and internal bourgeoisie to be a determining factor for the kind of bourgeois social order generated on the periphery: wicked, autocratic as well as dependent. Thus, Florestan refuses the possibility of an independent and democratic capitalistic development as a possible means of overcoming underdevelopment for the dependent countries of Latin America, reflecting on the emancipation of the poor and oppressed as a revolution process exhibiting an obvious anticapitalistic as well as anti-bourgeois character / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestra em Sociologia

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In this dissertation, I seek to analyze events in the 1821 Greek and Romanian revolutions against Ottoman rule in the Balkans using a relational sociology perspective. I am mainly looking at the network position of various figures who played a role in the development of nationalist arguments and ideology, and positing that these figures combined the role of network-broker – a figure who straddles holes among tight knit communities – and cultural brokers – a concept from anthropology involving the promotion of ideas from a “wider world” into a smaller community. I try to show how various configurations of network position and cultural knowledge can be an important determining factor in the success of various revolutionary actions, as well as the ideologies that develop from those actions. This factor which can provide an alternative explanation to that posed by modernization or institutional theories. In Chapter 1, I focus on Lycurgus Logothetis, a cultural and network broker who liberated Samos from the Ottoman Empire, while provoking the massacre of Chios; following the thread of events to France, I show how this event intertwined with events in the French art world, to increase support for Greece. In Chapter 2, I focus on the Phanariots, a group of elite Greek Christians in the Ottoman Empire who used their contracts with abroad to gain a precarious position within the Empire, one that involved the rapid rise and fall of a number of brokerage figures from a small pool of candidates. In Chapter 3, I show how the rebellion against that system, the rebellion of Tudor Vladimirescu, succeeded in creating a nationalist impulse in Romania owing to Vladimirescu’s creation of a quasi-group of mainly Romanian speaking notables, separated from the Greek world, and beholden to his success, and the limitation of this rebellion in the lack of important contacts from abroad. In Chapter 4, I examine the case of Ali Pasha, the rebellious, modernizing Pasha who developed an important base of operations by making local village contacts and reducing the Klepht-Armatoli, an Ottoman institution that depended on appointment the most important bandit in the region as an Imperial agent to keep the peace; and again, show that Ali Pasha’s bid for independence failed because of limited network connections with the Great Powers. Chapter 5 deals with Alexander Mavrocordatos, the network and cultural broker who succeeded in creating a new Greek constitution at the cost of importing old patron-client relations into his new and modernizing state. Finally in Chapter 6, I show the test case of a “trickster”, Georgios Karaiskakis, who handles contradictions between various networks of meaning with sarcasm and deliberate taboo violation, thus “getting action” without needing to use network or cultural brokerage. At the end of these chapters, I hope to have developed a number of interrelated hypotheses about the interaction between network brokerage, cultural brokerage, and the way these operate among the edges of paradox and contradiction in social life.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

This project explores the military and political mobilization of rural and urban working sectors of Puerto Rican society as the Island transitioned from Spanish to U.S. imperial rule. In particular, my research is interested in examining how this shift occurs via patterns of inclusion-exclusion within the military and the various forms of citizenship that are subsequently transformed into socio-economic and political enfranchisement. Analyzing the armed forces as a culture-homogenizing agent helps to explain the formation and evolution of Puerto Rican national identities from 1868 to 1952, and how these evolving identities affected the political choices of the Island. This phenomenon, I argue, led to the creation of the Estado Libre Asociado in 1952. The role played by the tens of thousands of Puerto Ricans in the metropolitan military in the final creation of a populist project taking place under colonial rule in the Island was threefold. Firstly, these soldiers served as political leverage during WWII to speed up the decolonization process. Secondly, they incarnated the commonwealth ideology by fighting and dying in the Korean War. Finally, the Puerto Rican soldiers filled the ranks of the army of technicians and technocrats attempting to fulfill the promises of a modern industrial Puerto Rico after the returned from the wars. In contrast to Puerto Rican popular national mythology and mainstream academic discourse that has marginalized the agency of subaltern groups; I argue that the Puerto Rican soldier was neither cannon fodder for the metropolis nor the pawn of the Creole political elites. Regaining their masculinity, upward mobility, and political enfranchisement were among some of the incentives enticing the Puerto Rican peasant into military service. The enfranchisement of subaltern sectors via military service ultimately created a very liberal, popular, and broad definition of Puerto Rico’s national identity. When the Puerto Rican peasant/soldier became the embodiment of the Commonwealth formula, the political leaders involved in its design were in fact responding to these soldiers’ complex identities, which among other things compelled them to defend the “American Nation” to show their Puertorriqueñidad.

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