The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the relationship between religion and revolution within the context of Egyptian Islamic culture. The discussion will begin with an investigation into the evolution of revolution as a concept, from its original scientific meaning within the writings of Copernicus to its current political meaning as a radical social break with the past. It will be argued that the revolutionary ideal of escaping fate and rationally constructing the future is the driving force behind the Modern era. Faith in the capacity of humanity for self-redemption could only arise after the scientific discoveries of the Renaissance began to disrupt the static metaphysical universe of the past. The concept of social development then arose in the Enlightenment as a quest for the liberation of reason so as to construct a new society free of myth and mystery. The discussion will then attempt to demonstrate that the culture of Egypt underwent a parallel philosophical development during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries due to the importation of modern technology. In order to prove this, the military reforms of Muhammad `Ali will be compared to Hobbe's concept of the Leviathan, the journalism of Muhammad `Abduh will be placed within the traditional Islamic debate concerning the ethical relationship between reason and revelation; the cult of nationalism will be contrasted with s&dotbelow;ufi mysticism; the social project of the Nasser regime will be interpreted in light of Rousseau's conception of the liberal social contract; and the thesis will conclude with a discussion of the thought of Sayyid Qutb in terms of the failure of Modernity to fulfil the promise of the Enlightenment.

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This dissertation is a study of the loyalist Church of England clergy in the American Revolution. By reconstructing the experience and identity of this largely-misunderstood group, it sheds light on the relationship between church and empire, the role of religious pluralism and toleration in the American Revolution, the dynamics of loyalist politics, and the religious impact of the American Revolution on Britain. It is based primarily on the loyalist clergy’s own correspondence and writings, the records of the American Loyalist Claims Commission, and the archives of the SPG (the Church of England’s missionary arm). This dissertation focuses on the New England and Mid-Atlantic colonies, where Anglicans formed a religious minority and where their clergy were overwhelmingly loyalist. It begins with the founding of the SPG in 1701 and its first forays into America. It then examines the state of religious pluralism and toleration in New England, the polarising contest over the proposed creation of an American bishop after the Seven Years’ War, and the role of the loyalist clergy in the Revolutionary War itself, focusing particularly on conflicts occasioned by the Anglican liturgy and Book of Common Prayer. The dissertation proceeds to follow those loyalist clergy who left the Thirteen Colonies as refugees, tracing their reception in Britain, their influence on conservative churchmen there, and their role in rebuilding the imperial Church of England in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Particular attention is given to the relationship between the loyalist refugees, the English high church movement, and the Scottish Episcopal church. Bridging British, Canadian, and colonial American history, it suggests that the American Revolution galvanised an Anglican religious revival in the British Empire and shaped an emerging alliance between the Church of England and conservative politics. It ends in the 1790s, as this alliance solidified under the influence of the French Revolution. Most scholarship on religion and the American Revolution is ultimately concerned with the politics of the revolution. This dissertation, by contrast, asks how the politics of the revolution affected the religious lives of those who lived through it. It provides a sympathetic account of the loyalist clergy’s religious identities and beliefs, and situates them in the context of early-modern British religious history. In doing so, it reconstructs a distinct spiritual culture which was concerned with the holiness of suffering, persecution, and martyrdom. It locates the clergy’s loyalism in the longer history of political martyrdom, a category that has been overlooked by secular-minded historians of loyalism. The loyalist clergy were also preoccupied with the lack of state support for the colonial Church of England. Together with their allies and sympathizers in Britain, they formulated a powerful critique of the British Empire’s religious pluralism: an important but overlooked contribution to counter-enlightenment and counter-revolutionary thought in Britain. By studying that critique, this dissertation highlights the limits of state support for the colonial Church of England prior to the American Revolution, and identifies a turn towards greater state support in the wake of American independence.

In “Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France,” I examine how the two countries translated each other’s revolutions during critical moments of political and cultural crisis (the 1911 Revolution, the May Fourth Movement (1919), the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), and May 1968 in France), and subsequently (or simultaneously), how that knowledge was mobilized in practice and shaped the historical contexts in which it was produced. Drawing upon a broad range of discourses including political journals, travel narratives, films and novels in French, English and Chinese, I argue that translation served as a key site of knowledge production, shaping the formulation of various political and cultural projects from constructing a Chinese national identity to articulating women’s rights to thinking about radical emancipation in an era of decolonization. While there have been isolated studies on the influence of the French Revolution in early twentieth-century China, and the impact of the Chinese Cultural Revolution on the development of French Maoism and French theory in the sixties, there have been few studies that examine the circulation of revolutionary ideas and practices across multiple historical moments and cultural contexts. In addition, the tendency of much current scholarship to focus exclusively on the texts of prominent French or Chinese intellectuals overlooks the vital role played by translation, and by non-elite thinkers, writers, students and migrant workers in the cross-fertilization of revolutionary discourses and practices. Given that potential solutions to social and political problems associated with modernity were debated through the recurring circulation of translations (and retranslations) of ideas such as “democracy”, “natural rights,” “women’s rights,” and so on, I examine: who was translating whom, and for what purposes? What specific concepts and values are privileged, and why? Taking translation and translingual contact as my point of departure, I illuminate how French and Chinese intermediaries envisioned and attempted to create a just society under fraught historical conditions.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study develops a model of different types of political regime changes and their effect on life integrity violations. The data covers 147 countries from 1977-1993. Basic bivariate analyses and multivariate pooled cross-sectional time series analyses employing Ordinary Least Squares regression with panel-corrected standard errors are used. The results show that political regime change in general has no effect on state-sponsored violence. Looking at different types of regime changes, the regression analysis indicates that change from democracy to anocracy is positively correlated with levels of repression at the level of p < .001. A change toward democracy from autocracy is negatively related to human rights violations at the level of p < .01, once relevant control variables are considered.

M.A. (Political Science) / In this study an investigation is made into: (a) the relationship between industrial conflict and political violence; (b) the role of organised labour in the strategy of revolution; and (c) the activities of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) as part of the revolutionary strategy of the ANC-led Liberation Alliance...

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T21:01:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O cenário geral da filosofia da ciência no século XX foi principalmente desenhado pelos traços epistemológicos do Positivismo Lógico e seu verificacionismo, pelo falsificacionismo popperiano, pelos programas de pesquisa lakatianos, pelo anarquismo epistemológico de Paul Feyerabend e pela filosofia da ciência de Thomas Kuhn. A partir desse cenário geral, esta dissertação analisa os aspectos principais da filosofia da ciência de Thomas Kuhn, o espectro das críticas que recebeu, as respostas que ofereceu e as mudanças que se seguiram na epistemologia kuhniana. Kuhn envolveu-se em um frutífero debate com alguns dos mais proeminentes filósofos da ciência do século XX, sobre suas idéias de revolução científica, ciência normal e incomensurabilidade. Esse debate, discutido nesta dissertação, contribuiu para as mudanças que Kuhn fez em sua proposta original tal como exposta em seu mais famoso trabalho, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Essas modificações e sua abrangência são o tema principal do presente estudo / The general scenario of the philosophy of science in the 20th century was mainly determined by the epistemological traits of Logical Positivism and its verificationism, Popperian falsificationism, the Lakatian research programs, Paul Feyrebend’s epistemological anarchism, and Thomas Kuhn’s philosophy of science. Starting from this general scenario, this dissertation analyzes the main aspects of Thomas Kuhn’s philosophy of science, the spectrum of its critique by other thinkers, Kuhn’s response to that critique and the subsequent changes in Kuhn’s epistemology. Kuhn was involved in a fruitful debate on his ideas about scientific revolutions, normal science, paradigms, and incommensurability with some of the most important philosophers of the 20th century. This debate, which is discussed in the dissertation, prompted Kuhn to make changes in his original proposal as expounded in his most famous work, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. These modifications and their scope are the main topic of the present

This dissertation is based on fifteen months of ethnographic fieldwork with seminarian women in Iran in the summer of 2008, and from 2010 to 2011. I ask, after having unprecedented access to the howzeh elmiyeh (seminaries) after the revolution, what have been some of the consequences for the howzevi? And, how do women in the howzeh elmiyeh see themselves? Through grounded method of analysis, I have found that in their pursuit of what constitutes `a good life', the howzevi of this study were actively attempting to transform themselves and the howzeh setting, their social relationships, and the greater Iranian society at large by exploring resources available to them within a set of constraints. These limitations were often not only self-imposed but also intensified with increased access to particular networks. In the following chapters I argue for an alternative way of looking at, and talking about, the howzevi who are now positioned in institutions that have emerged at the core of the ongoing struggles to shape a particular Iran. The term howzeh elmiyeh (seminaries) may be defined as Islamic theological institutions of higher religious learning where a personal teacher-student transmission of knowledge, oral and written, of Islamic Jurisprudence and other ancilliary Islamic sciences would take place. As you may know, in Muslim populated countries like Pakistan, the howzeh is also known as a madrasa. Unlike devotees of Catholic seminaries, however, students of the howzeh elmiyeh neither observe celibacy nor are physically secluded from the rest of society. Rather, they are, and have been, an integral part of the urban landscape in Syria, Egypt, Iran and Iraq from the ninth century A.D. (Berkey 2003; Bulliet 1972; Chamberlain 1994). The howzevi of this study were between the ages of eighteen to sixty years-old, and were at different stages of their education. Some were unmarried and in the early stages of their education. Some were married with children and completing doctoral research, while others were simultaneously teaching seminary classes, working on women's Islamic rights, and partaking in the Dars- e Kharij class (the highest level in the seminary) with Ayatollah Ali Khamanei, the Supreme Leader. Belonging to the ultra- religious conservative population in Iran, their history of mobility was limited inside the home before the 1979 revolution. Absent in the anthropological literature of women in the Middle East and women in contemporary Islamic higher education, the institutionalization of the howzeh elmiyeh (seminaries) for women in Iran was a project that had been in the works before the revolution. Its formalization emerged publicly only in 1984 through the combined efforts of groups of revolutionary Islamist women in petitioning Ayatollah Khomeini for the establishment of Jami'at Al-Zahra in Qom. By Islamicizing public space, the revolution also enabled these women to move into the public sphere. Since then, the howzeh elmiyeh for women has been an ongoing statewide project through the active participation of women who credit the 1979 revolution for widespread access to this form of education. This opening amounts to a yearly average of 65,000 women attend the women's howzeh all over Iran, excluding graduates since about 1984. Annually, the howzeh elmiyeh turns away ten percent of applicants (Sakurai 2011) because the infrastructure cannot yet accomodate the demand for women's enrollment. This support for the howzevi remains unparalleled throughout the history of Shi'i Islamic scholarship in the Shi'i Islamic world. After the 1979 revolution, the access which the women of the intellectual clerical elite had to Islamic education for women was extended to "all women"; all women, who, at least, were willing to observe the social constraints of the howzevi lifestyle, regardless of the socioeconomic group they belonged to, and/or the fact that they did not come from an intellectual Shi'i scholarly family. This served a purpose, however. The revolutionary state appropriated the concept of the howzeh elmiyeh for women (Adelkhah 2000) in order to produce a specific type of revolutionary woman. Notwithstanding, as the revolutionary state created a new public space for Islam (Adelkhah 2000), it also provided new leadership opportunities for women (Afary 2009; Najmabadi 2008; Sedghi 2007). Women students were able to embark on a fully-funded path towards potentially becoming, among other Islamic scholarly aspirations, a mujtahideh, a woman who may derive religious rulings for herself, a process called ijtihad, and who are also able to engage in discussions about Islamic laws and its applicability in Iranian society. This research is in conversation with how women in the Middle East are neither passive nor homogenous (Abu-Lughod 1993; Holmes-Eber 2003; Mahmood 2005; Osanloo 2009; Torab 2007), as well as within the discourse on society and the women's movement in Iran (Adelkhah 2000; Afary 2009; Afshar 1998; Bahramitash 2008; Kamalkhani 1998; Kian-Thiébaut 2002; Kunkler & Fazaeli 2012; Mahdavi 2007; Mir- Hosseini 1999; Moghissi 1994; Najmabadi 2008; Osanloo 2009; Paidar 1995; Poya 1999; Sakurai 2011, 2012; Sedghi 2007; Torab 2007; Varzi 2006).

Against the backdrop of the 1933 and 1959 Cuban Revolutions, dance became highly politicized as performers interacted with the state and expressed ideas choreographically about race, gender, and social change. Starting in the 1930s, citizens invested in ballet as a means for cultural progress. In the 1940s and 1950s, a growing cadre of ballet professionals and their supporters advocated for the government to subsidize the form. Simultaneously, carnival, cabaret, and concert dancers sparked widespread discussion about nation and racial formation, specifically the place of blackness and whiteness in Cuba. As a result, performers and patrons established the political valence of dance as means for reflecting on larger questions about self and society. After 1959, dancers adapted to the regime change while pursuing longstanding projects. Ballet dancers performed aggressive choreography in fatigues, along with traditional ballets from Europe and Russia, as part of their revolutionary repertoire. Dance teachers built upon previous pedagogical efforts and contributed to new social engineering projects to “improve” Cuban youth. In parallel, modern and folkloric dancers choreographically critiqued patriarchy and race relations in a supposedly post-racial society. These performances developed a Cuban way of dancing and watching dance, the latter characterized as engaged and talkative. Dancers and publics built a vibrant establishment that eventually transcended national borders with Cubans dancing and teaching abroad in the 1970s and 1980s. Meanwhile, dancers contributed to the growing tourist industry and pushed for institutional changes at home in the late 1980s. In 1990, Cuba entered a crisis that destabilized the relationship between dance and politics that had developed over the previous six decades. During this period, different dance forms including cabaret, carnival, ballet, modern dance, and folkloric dance received various levels of public and state support. I argue that there were important continuities in dance hierarchies with ballet holding the greatest cultural and political capital starting in the 1930s. I also contend that dancers of different genres employed similar tactics to navigate sociopolitical shifts and expressive parameters across the decades. They consistently shaped dance institutions and asserted the value of their work to revolution and nationhood. This social and cultural history of Cuban dance sheds light on the reach and limitations of state power in Cuba as numerous constituencies engaged with the revolution, maneuvering for agency within a limited public sphere.