published_or_final_version / abstract / English Studies / Master / Master of Arts

American composition classrooms focus on teaching students to be assertive, self-assured, and definitive. What they do not tend to emphasize is how to reach mutual understandings, especially when communication takes place across cultural borders. This dissertation explores interdisciplinary perspectives on intercultural communication and alternatives to argument to suggest possibilities for building a rhetoric that better enables understanding between cultures. In this text I challenge assumptions about culturally based rhetorical strategies, question the tendency to teach argumentative writing in American composition classes, propose rhetorical strategies for reaching mutual understanding across cultures, and show the positive feelings of contemporary university students toward nonargumentative writing assignments.This dissertation has two main aims. The first aim is to show that trying to manufacture a one-to-one correspondence between a culture and its communication strategy is not as straightforward as it may seem. Such efforts not only tend to essentialize the differences between cultures, but they also ignore the multiple strategies that people from all cultures use to deal with complex rhetorical situations. By analyzing press releases from both the United States and North Korea, I show that categorizing an entire culture's communication style under one label is a mistake. Instead, I show that in different situations both Americans and Koreans use a variety of rhetorical strategies in their communication. The second aim of this dissertation stems from the first. Once I have shown that people across cultures are both the same and different and that our use of language reflects this reality, I call for a change in our educational practices in order to better reflect these complexities. I show how teaching alternatives to traditional academic argumentation can better foster intercultural understanding by describing a research-based writing assignment I designed that asks students to explore controversial issues nonagumentatively. This assignment encourages students to explore the many facets involved in complex situations and avoid simplistic either-or thinking. In meeting this challenge, students often make use of collaborative writing and go beyond traditional text formats to create hybrid texts. Overwhelmingly they report positive reactions to such innovative writing strategies.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 251-265). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / 267 leaves, bound 29 cm

This dissertation examines the discomfort around the insult in different specialized languages, analyzing the relationship between insult, politics, and culture in the history of Colombia. When viewed as an element of discourse, the insult illuminates certain critical events and subjects in the history of the nation. The insult is understood in a wide variety of ways --as direct enunciation of offending words, as the imminent failure of communication, as the staged claim of being offended, or as verbal and performative tool for electoral purposes. This dissertation analyzes a heterogeneous corpus of political, historiographic, journalistic, religious, legal, literary, proselytizing, pamphleteering, and digital primary sources. It spans the period from the Independence crisis at the beginning of nineteenth century to the digital architecture that enables online comment sections of mass media site in the twenty-first century. Each chapter reflects on one or two specialized language that, according to certain individuals or events, develop mechanisms to relegate the insult, and, from them, strategies and tactics are detailed in terms of its exploitation, containment, control, revitalization, overflow, and even involuntary stimulus.

Senator Al Gore Jr. was elected Vice-President of the United States on November 3, 1992. During many of his public speeches, Gore utilized a speaking style that differed radically from the style he used in other political campaigns of his life. This style, which will be called the "rhetoric of self-disclosure," can be characterized as consisting of a particular language style that is associated with the self-help movement that became popular in the United States during the 1980's. This language consists of phrases and terms such as "co-dependency," "dysfunction," "dysfunctional families," "denial," and others. In an attempt to understand the uses and effects of this rhetorical device, the theories of Edwin Black are used as a critical model. A combination of two theories, specifically the theories of secrecy and disclosure and the second persona, produced a unique critical methodology that generated insight into Gore as a speaker, and the applications of this unique rhetorical style. A literature survey provides information not only about Gore's political and personal history, but also about the growth and success of the self-help movement in the United States. Included in this review were a number of public addresses given by Gore in the 1992 campaign, his book Earth in the Balance: Ecology and the Human Spirit, and discussions of the self-help movement and therapy groups. The critical evaluation of Gore's public address provides a number of conclusions. The rhetoric of self-disclosure is rhetorical strategy that has never been used in American Presidential politics and is a radical departure from other, more accepted forms of presidential rhetoric. Also, the use of this strategy gives insight into the character of Gore as a person, a speaker, and a national political leader. / Graduation date: 1994

In recent years, philosophers of social science have drawn attention to the contributions of suggestive models or metaphors to political understanding. In doing so, they have suggested a distinction between models or archetypes of great scope and generality — politics seen as mechanical or organic relations, for example — and the individual metaphorical utterances in which they are presented. Historians of political thought have made a similar distinction between 'languages' or 'ideologies' which prescribe norms and conventions for political argument, and the expression and development of these languages and ideologies in texts. This dissertation shows these two developments to be complementary by investigating the extent to which political languages or ideologies are themselves made up of suggestive models of political activity. Taking our point of departure from Max Black's suggestion that a metaphor be seen as "the tip of a submerged model," we shall look for such models in groups of political metaphors sharing the same theme. Analysis of the concept 'metaphor' shows that understanding a metaphorical utterance is conditional upon a reader recreating a context in which the ground of the metaphorical identification is rendered intelligible by the point of the utterance. This distinguishes political metaphors from metaphors used in explanatory' or literary contexts. The principled strategies which authors and audiences use to produce and comprehend metaphors in political contexts are then shown to utilize existing conceptual classifications in the form of 'metaphorical fields' embedded in political discourse. These fields bring together abstract metaphor themes and concrete political doctrines to create political metaphors. In a field, the political value of 'imagery' — medicine, theatre, parts of the body or family relations — remains relatively fixed. Using illustrations mainly from metaphorical fields in which politics is seen as a therapeutic activity, political metaphors are shown to functions as maps, orienting men in a political world that is their own creation. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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This study proposes a model for the deconstruction of nationalism. Nationalism is a discursive construct. This construct manifests in ideologies and formalizes order. Individuals should question these institutions in order to achieve legitimate societal participation. This criticism can be accomplished through self-reflection. The model demonstrates that sanctioned individual(s) provide interpretations of events. These interpretations recycle authority. The hermeneutic obscures an individual's understanding of the originating fact. Self-reflection allows an individual, such as Malcolm X in the Nation of Islam, to come closer to discovering the original fact. Critiquing the hermeneutic can reveal the imperfections of the message(s). Revealing the imperfections of an ideology is the first step to the liberation of the individual and society.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the effectiveness and inducement of political rhetoric in South African context. Political discourse has become more significant in South Africa since the sanction of a democratic political dispensation. This study is motivated by the events occurred as from 1998, which demand accounts from those implicated. Comments and reactions pertaining to events such as the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC)- led land grabbing in BredeII, near Kempton Park, Gauteng; the Youth Day incident -16 June 2001; the ongoing tug-of-war between the ANC and its ally, Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) over strategic government policies; and Tony Yengeni's advertised refutation of getting kickbacks from the 'Arms Deal', have been the main focus of this study. These accounts have made it possible to apply Benoit's (1995) integrated image restoration strategies theory, which he developed from a variety of theories developed to understanding why certain utterances are made in certain contexts. The fundamental approach to developing Benoit's integrated theory originates from a constant interest by linguists and communication theorists in particular, and social psychologists in general, to understanding the dynamics of politeness in social context. Chapter 2 of this study presents a theoretical background to the development of politeness theory. Chapter 3 summarises the development of integrated image restoration strategies theory in public and social contexts. Chapter 4 deals with the application of Benoit's integrated image restoration strategies theory through the critical analysis of the abovementioned accounts from a weekly Internet publication, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001, which serve as a platform for the ANC to counteract the pervasiveness of political scandal in South African politics. Tony Yengeni's newspaper advertisement was of great interest as it was the first independent and personally paid public statement by a South African politician since the new democratic dispensation. Through the critical analysis of these accounts, it has been found that South African politicians do make public statements implementing defensive and persuasive strategies in order to protect or restore their images. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die doeltreffendheid van die uitoefening van politieke retoriek in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Politieke diskoers het toenemend meer betekenisvol geword sedert die invoer van 'n demokratiese bestel. Hierdie studie is gemotiveer deur die politieke diskoers oor gebeure wat sedert 1998 plaasgevind het, waarvoor die geïmpliseerde persone verduidelikings moes aanbied. Kommentaar en response rakende gebeurtenisse soos die Pan-Afrika Kongres grondbesettings in BredeII, naby Kempton Park, Gauteng; die Jeugdag insident op 16 Junie 2001, die voortgaande dispuut tussen die ANC en sy vennoot, Kongres van Suid- Afrikaanse Werkers Unie (COSATU) oor strategiese regeringsbeleid; en Tony Yengeni se ge-adverteerde weerspreking van bevoordeling uit die Wapenkontrakte, vorm die hooffokus van hierdie studie. Hierdie verduidelikings is ondersoek deur die toepassing van Benoit (1995) se geïntegreerde beeld-herstel strategieë teorie, wat ontwikkel het vanuit 'n verskeidenheid teorieë ontwikkel om te verstaan waarom bepaalde uitinge in bepaalde kontekste gemaak word. Die grondliggende benadering in die ontwikkeling van Benoit se teorie het as oorsprong die belangstelling van taalkundiges en kommunikasie-teoretisie in die besonder, en sosiaal-sielkundiges in die algemeen, om die dinamika te verstaan van beleefdheid in sosiale konteks. Hoofstuk 2 van hierdie studie bied die teoretiese agtergrond van die ontwikkeling van beleefdheidsteorie. Hoofstuk 3 gee 'n opsomming van die ontwikkeling van geïntegreerde beeld-herstel teorie in openbare en sosiale kontekste. Hoofstuk 4 doen 'n toepassing van Benoit se beeld-herstel strategieë teorie deur die kritiese analise van die bogenoemde verduidelikings vanaf die Weeklikse Internet bulletin, 'ANC Today' vol. 1 no. 1, 2001, wat as 'n mondstuk dien vir die ANC om 'n teenstand te bied teen die algemeenheid van politieke skandaal in Suid-Afrikaanse politiek. Tony Yengeni se koerantadvertensie het groot belangstelling uitgelok omdat dit die eerste onafhanklike en persoonlik-betaalde openbare verklaring was wat deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse politikus gemaak was sedert die instellingvan die demokratiese bestel. Deur die kritiese analise van hierdie verduidelikings is bevind dat Suid-Afrikaanse politici openbare verklarings maak waarin hulle verdedigende en oorredende strategieë implementeer ten einde hul beeld te beskerm en te herstel. / USHWANKATHELO : Olu phando luphonononga ukusebenziseka nokukhuthazeka kokusetyenziswa kobuciko bezopolitiko kwimeko yaseMzantsi Afrika. Idiskhosi yezopolitiko ithande ukubaluleka eMzantsi Afrika ukusukela ngokumiselwa kwenkqubo yolawulo ngedemokrasi. Olu phando lukhuthazwe ziziganeko ezenzeke ukusukela ngo-1998 nezinyanzelise ukunikwa kweeakhawunti ngabo bachaphazelekayo. lintetho neempendulo ezayamene neziganeko ezinjengokurhwaphilizwa komhlaba ngabantu abakhokelwe ngamalungu aphambili e-Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) eBredell ngaseKempton Park, eRhawuntini; isiganeko soSuku loLutsha - 16 Juni 2001; ukuxambulisana phakathi kwe-African National Congress (ANC) kunye nehlakani layo i- Congress of South African Trade Union (Cosatu) ngezicwangciso-nkqubo; kunye nentengiso kaTony Yengeni yokuphika ukufumana izinyobo kuThengo Iwezixhobo, zibe ngumxholo ophambili wolu phando. Ezi akhawunti zenze kukwazeke ukusebenzisa ithiyori ehlangeneyo yobugcisa bokubuyekeza umfanekiso kaBenoit (1995) nayiphuhlise kwiithiyori ezahlukeneyo ezaphuhliselwa ukuqonda kuba kutheni kusenziwa iintetho ezithile ngokweemeko ezithile. Esona siseko singumvulandlela ekuphuhlisweni kwale thiyori kaBenoit sivela kumdla osoloko ukho kwiingcali zolwimi nezonxibelelwano, kunye neesayikholojisti zasekuhlaleni wokufuna ukuqonda ubuchukubhede ngentlonelo kwimeko yasekuhlaleni. Isahluko 2 solu phando sinika imvelaphi yethiyori yokuphuhliswa kwethiyori yentlonelo. Isahluko 3 sishwankathela ukuphuhliswa kwethiyori yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kwimeko yasesidlangalaleni neyasekuhlaleni. Isahluko 4 sijongene nokusetyenziswa kwethiyori yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kaBenoit ngohlalutyo Iwee-akhawunti ezixelwe apha ngentla, nezivela kupapasho Iweveki olukwi-Internet, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001 nesebenza njengeqonga le-ANC lokunika izimvo ngeziganeko namanyundululu ezopolitiko eMzantsi Afrika. Intengiso kaTony Yengeni kumaphephandaba yatsala amehlo nanjengoko ibe kokuqala ukwenziwa kwengxelo eloluhlobo ngumpolitiki kweloMzantsi Afrika kweli lixa ledemokrasi. Ngohlalutyo Iwezi akhawunti, kufumaniseke ukuba abapolitiki boMzantsi Afrika bayazenza iingxelo neentetho ezisebenzisa ubugcisa bokuzikhusela nobolukuhlo ngeenjongo zokuzikhusela okanye ukubuyekeza umfanekiso wabo.

This thesis examines the manner in which Ronald Reagan responded to the Tower Commission Report concerning his involvement in the Iran-Contra Affair. It explores the following questions: 1) What were the factors leading to a rhetorical situation as defined by the media and which required Ronald Reagan to provide a public response of self-defense; 2) what strategies of apologia did Reagan employ; and 3) how did the media and the White House characterize the outcome of Reagan's speech? Data for analysis were drawn from nationally recognized newspapers that shaped public perception of the Iran-Contra Affair: The Washington Post, The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and The Christian Science Monitor. In addition, The Tower Commission Report and Ronald Reagan's March 4, 1987 speech were used as primary texts. It was found that the events of the Iran-Contra Affair qualified as a crisis, and exemplified an exigence needing a response. The thesis demonstrated that the Iran-contra Affair was an appropriate case for study as a rhetorical situation. Analysis demonstrates how Ronald Reagan made full use of the conventional apologetic strategies of denial, bolstering, differentiation, and transcendence to regain lost credibility; moreover, analysis provides further evidence of the utility of genre criticism.