Cette thèse d’histoire sociale, fondée sur « l’individualisme méthodologique », donne à l’individu et à l’action individuelle une place considérable dans la société entre le début du IVe siècle et la fin du VIe siècle, et ne s’intéresse pas en soi à la communauté des chrétiens. À partir d’un échantillon constitué de cent quatre-Vingt-Dix-Huit personnages d’Italie et d’Afrique, cette thèse se propose de mettre en lumière les manifestations de l’être-Chrétien, en étudiant le faire, le croire et le dire des chrétiens, ce que nous avons regroupé sous le nom de christianité, d’après le néologisme das Christlichkeit, fondé par le philosophe F. Nietzsche. L’analyse des sources mettant en lumière la foi de ces individus a conduit l’auteur à procéder à des classifications, retenant quatre catégories de gestes et deux modes d’expression. Les gestes primaires sont ceux qui sont typiquement chrétiens et qu’on ne retrouve pas sous cette forme, dans les autres religions. Les gestes secondaires sont des réappropriations chrétiennes de gestes qui existent déjà dans le monde romain. Les gestes à caractère social traite des réseaux sociaux du chrétien et le geste militant met en lumière les actions que le chrétien peut effectuer pour défendre sa religion. Le chrétien exprime sa foi de deux façons différentes, soit par l’expression écrite, soit à travers son corps. Deux parties, constituées au total de huit chapitres, composent cette thèse. Elles s’intitulent dans l’ordre d’apparition : « Les chrétien et le monde. Vivre en chrétien dans la société romaine » et « Les chrétien, les clercs et l’Église ». / The approach of this dissertation is based not on the Christian community but on social history, and focuses on the issues of “Methodological individualism”, of which individuals form the social dynamics between the beginning of the 4th century and the end of the 6th century. Based on a sample of 198 individuals from Italy and Roman Africa, this thesis highlights the social manifestations of the Christian-Being by studying the Christians’s ways of doing, believing and saying, grouped together in what we have called their Christianess, according to the neologism das Christlichkeit coined by F. Nietzsche. In this dissertation, the author carried out the analysis of primary sources highlighting the faith of the Christians, which helped him to draw up a classification, comprising four different actions and two forms of expression. Primary actions are those deemed to be typically Christian, since this kind of behavior cannot be found in this form in any other religions of the Roman World. Secondary actions are those which already existed in the Roman Society, and are re-Used by Christians. Social actions deal with the networks of the faithful Christians, and lastly militant actions demonstrate the ability of Christians to stand up for their beliefs. The fellow Christians express their faith into two different ways, in writing and with their body. Two main parts compose this dissertation, made up of eight chapters, entitled - in order of appearance - as follows : “The Christians and the World. Living as a Christian in the roman society”and “The Christians, the Clerics and the Church”.

Cette thèse porte sur l’activité épigraphique de F. Ximenez, administrateur de l’hôpital trinitaire de Tunis qui, entre 1720 et 1735, a entrepris plusieurs excursions dans la Régence. Ses ouvrages sont restés inédits pour la plupart et, bien qu’ils aient été dépouillés à l’occasion de la publication du huitième volume du Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (CIL), une relecture s’avérait nécessaire. En effet, plusieurs des informations relatives aux inscriptions n’avaient pas été relevées, tandis que d’autres n’avaient pas été interprétées de manière satisfaisante. Ces informations concernent les caractéristiques des monuments épigraphiques, leur localisation ainsi que les conditions de leur découverte. Les erreurs d’interprétation faites lors du dépouillement des manuscrits de F. Ximenez ont mené à la création de doublons, mais ont conduit également à situer la provenance de certaines inscriptions loin du site qui leur correspond. Afin de mieux cerner les itinéraires empruntés par F. Ximenez pour déterminer les sites de provenance des inscriptions, il a été indispensable de consulter des cartes archéologiques tant anciennes que récentes et de se rendre sur le terrain afin de suivre les pas de cet auteur et ainsi reconstituer ceux de ses parcours qui apparaissaient comme les plus obscurs. De même, la relecture des manuscrits de F. Ximenez et la comparaison avec les textes des voyageurs qui lui étaient contemporains ont permis de reconstituer les stemmata de la tradition manuscrite des inscriptions. Il s’agissait d’analyser la transmission des informations entre les antiquaires de l’époque et de rendre à chacune des parties en cause ce qui lui était dû. Ces comparaisons nous ont mené à analyser les motivations et les intérêts de F. Ximenez relativement aux inscriptions anciennes. Qu’est-ce qui l’intéresse principalement dans les épigraphes ? Quels types de données collecte-t-il les concernant et quelles informations tente-t-il de déduire à partir de ces documents ? Comment en fait-il les relevés ? Ces aspects nous ont permis de mieux situer F. Ximenez au sein des antiquaires de son époque ; pour cela, il a d’ailleurs été nécessaire d’étudier la réception par quelques-uns de ces antiquaires. Quelle était l’opinion de ces savants le concernant ? Comment se sont-ils servis des informations que F. Ximenez a recueillies ? / This thesis deals with the epigraphical activity of F. Ximenez, the administrator of the Trinitarians hospital at Tunis who, between 1720 and 1735, undertook several excursions in the interior of the Regency. Most of his work remains unpublished, and even and even after being dissected for the publication of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (CIL), a re-reading have been proved to be necessary. Indeed, a certain amount of the information on the inscriptions was yet to be discerned and a significant part extracted from it hasn’t been correctly interpreted. They concern the features of the epigraphical monuments as well as their localisations and the conditions of their discovery. The major blunders committed interpreting the manuscripts of F. Ximenez have created duplications of inscriptions and have let researchers think that some inscriptions came from what it tourned out to be the wrong places. In order to draw up the itineraries of F. Ximenez and to determine the sites of origin of the inscriptions it has been essential to consult the ancient and recent archeological maps, along with a field visit in the country in order to follow his steps, shedding light on the case of his more unclear journeys. This new reading of the manuscripts of F. Ximenez and the comparison with the works of the contemporary travellers have also allowed to recreate the stemmata of the manuscript tradition of inscriptions. The aim has been to analyse the transmission of information between the antiquarians of that time and give back to all of the parties involved what was due to each one of them. These comparisons have led us to analyse the reasons and the interests of F. Ximenez with regard to the ancient inscriptions. What's his main interest concerning the epigraphs? What kind of data does he gather from them and what kind of information does he try to deduce from them? How does he take the tracings? These approaches have allowed to place F. Ximenez within the antiquarians of his time, but in order to do this it has been essential to study the reception which some of them have made of the manuscripts of F. Ximenez. What was the opinion of those scholars on F. Ximenez? How did they use the data he has gathered? We have attempted to answer these as well as other questions in this thesis.

Durant le Haut-Empire romain, la région de Cirta (aujourd’hui Constantine, Algérie) pose essentiellement deux problèmes historiographiques. D’une part, la « confédération cirtéenne », une respublica de quatre colonies dont Cirta est la capitale, représente dans l’Empire un « extraordinaire hapax administratif » (J. Heurgon). D’autre part, la présence de nombreux Cirtéens dans l’entourage des empereurs antonins (comme Fronton et Antistius Burrus, respectivement professeur et gendre de Marc Aurèle) a souvent été interprété comme les signes de l’existence d’un « lobby » africain à la cour impériale. Le présent travail a pour but de revenir sur ces deux questions. Il s’agit d’abord de faire le point sur le fonctionnement et l’évolution des institutions cirtéennes, en s’interrogeant sur leur caractère exceptionnel et en comparant les résultats avec les recherches récentes concernant l’histoire municipale des cités, notamment en Afrique. La question de l’originalité cirtéenne permet également d’aborder la question des rapports entre élites locales et pouvoir romain. On tentera alors d’expliquer les ressorts de la réussite des Cirtéens dans l’aristocratie romaine, par l’analyse de leur fortune, des réseaux sociaux et politiques dont ils disposent, et de leur éventuelle implication dans l’approvisionnement de Rome. / The present study aims to investigate two problems raised by Cirta (Constantine, Algeria) and its territory during the High Empire. The first problem to question is the existence of a Cirtean Confederation, a res publica IIII coloniarum, ruled by magistrates from Cirta, which represents a unique organization in the Roman Empire. On the over hand, a large number of men born in Cirta entered the Roman Senate in the second century – among them Fronto, the famous rhetorician, tutor and friend of Marcus Aurelius, and Antistius Burrus, son‐in law of the emperor. According to many scholars, this concentration resulted from the development of an African lobby in Antonine Rome. This work proposes to examine the functioning and evolution of Cirtean institutions and to question their peculiarity in the light of recent research on the municipal history in Africa. It also attempts to explain the success of Cirtean senators in the Roman aristocracy, by analyzing their wealth, their social and political networks, and their possible involvement in the supply of Rome.

In this thesis I have endeavoured to throw light on both the private and public aspect of the lives of women living in the Roman African provinces from the first century BC to the seventh century AD. Funerary inscriptions reveal that the role of women in private life was projected in a manner which reflected the ideals for Roman womanhood (pudicitia, castitas,fides and fecunditas), even when they clearly came of Afro-Punic stock. In terms of the quality of their lives Roman African women of the propertied status groups (about whom we know the most) had a good standard of living compared to other parts of the Roman Empire, and for example were well-educated in the urbanized areas compared to provinces such as Gaul. Roman African women of the elite also enjoyed a degree of autonomy enhanced by the increased financial independence granted to them in terms of Roman law, which enabled them to function as benefactors in their communities in the same way as their male counterparts, donating money for temples, baths and markets. In return for this they were duly recognized in honorary inscriptions by their communities. Although this public role may appear to be in conflict with the 'ideal' domestic or private role of the Roman matron, this activity was sanctioned by the fact that they were acting in the interests of male family members who were engaged in municipal careers. In the 2nd and 3rd centuries there are a few signs that women were beginning to act more in their own interests, but much of their public role faded with the increasing dominance of the Christian Church which prescribed a more limited role for women. The only exceptions occurred in the times of persecution through the temporary prominence gained by women as martyrs and confessors, although this prominence cannot be said to have advantaged women in general. During the Vandal and Byzantine period we know of only a few women, primarily those with connections to the elite at Rome and Constantinople, who acted with the independence and authority of their class. / D.Litt. et Phil. (Ancient History / Ancient and Near Eastern Studies

In this thesis I have endeavoured to throw light on both the private and public aspect of the lives of women living in the Roman African provinces from the first century BC to the seventh century AD. Funerary inscriptions reveal that the role of women in private life was projected in a manner which reflected the ideals for Roman womanhood (pudicitia, castitas,fides and fecunditas), even when they clearly came of Afro-Punic stock. In terms of the quality of their lives Roman African women of the propertied status groups (about whom we know the most) had a good standard of living compared to other parts of the Roman Empire, and for example were well-educated in the urbanized areas compared to provinces such as Gaul. Roman African women of the elite also enjoyed a degree of autonomy enhanced by the increased financial independence granted to them in terms of Roman law, which enabled them to function as benefactors in their communities in the same way as their male counterparts, donating money for temples, baths and markets. In return for this they were duly recognized in honorary inscriptions by their communities. Although this public role may appear to be in conflict with the 'ideal' domestic or private role of the Roman matron, this activity was sanctioned by the fact that they were acting in the interests of male family members who were engaged in municipal careers. In the 2nd and 3rd centuries there are a few signs that women were beginning to act more in their own interests, but much of their public role faded with the increasing dominance of the Christian Church which prescribed a more limited role for women. The only exceptions occurred in the times of persecution through the temporary prominence gained by women as martyrs and confessors, although this prominence cannot be said to have advantaged women in general. During the Vandal and Byzantine period we know of only a few women, primarily those with connections to the elite at Rome and Constantinople, who acted with the independence and authority of their class. / D.Litt. et Phil. (Ancient History / Ancient and Near Eastern Studies

In this thesis I have endeavoured to throw light on both the private and public aspect of the lives of women living in the Roman African provinces from the first century BC to the seventh century AD. Funerary inscriptions reveal that the role of women in private life was projected in a manner which reflected the ideals for Roman womanhood (pudicitia, castilas,fides and fecunditas), even when they clearly came of Afro~Punic stock. In terms of the quality of their lives Roman African women of the propertied status groups (about whom we know the most) had a good standard of living compared to other parts of the Roman Empire, and for example were well~educated in the urbanized areas compared to provinces such as Gaul. Roman African women of the elite also enjoyed a degree of autonomy enhanced by the increased financial independence granted to them in terms of Roman law, which enabled them to function as benefactors in their communities in the same way as their male counterparts, donating money for temples, baths and markets. In return for this they were duly recognized in honorary inscriptions by their communities. Although this public role may appear to be in conflict with the 'ideal' domestic or private role of the Roman matron, this activity was sanctioned by the fact that they were acting in the interests of male family members who were engaged in municipal careers. In the 2nd and 3rd centuries there are a few signs that women were beginning to act more in their own interests, but much of their public role faded with the increasing dominance of the Christian Church which prescribed a more limited role for women. The only exceptions occurred in the times of persecution through the temporary prominence gained by women as martyrs and confessors, although this prominence cannot be said to have advantaged women in general. During the Vandal and Byzantine period we know of only a few women, primarily those with connections to the elite at Rome and Constantinople, who acted with the independence and authority of their class. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (Ancient History)

In this thesis I have endeavoured to throw light on both the private and public aspect of the lives of women living in the Roman African provinces from the first century BC to the seventh century AD. Funerary inscriptions reveal that the role of women in private life was projected in a manner which reflected the ideals for Roman womanhood (pudicitia, castilas,fides and fecunditas), even when they clearly came of Afro~Punic stock. In terms of the quality of their lives Roman African women of the propertied status groups (about whom we know the most) had a good standard of living compared to other parts of the Roman Empire, and for example were well~educated in the urbanized areas compared to provinces such as Gaul. Roman African women of the elite also enjoyed a degree of autonomy enhanced by the increased financial independence granted to them in terms of Roman law, which enabled them to function as benefactors in their communities in the same way as their male counterparts, donating money for temples, baths and markets. In return for this they were duly recognized in honorary inscriptions by their communities. Although this public role may appear to be in conflict with the 'ideal' domestic or private role of the Roman matron, this activity was sanctioned by the fact that they were acting in the interests of male family members who were engaged in municipal careers. In the 2nd and 3rd centuries there are a few signs that women were beginning to act more in their own interests, but much of their public role faded with the increasing dominance of the Christian Church which prescribed a more limited role for women. The only exceptions occurred in the times of persecution through the temporary prominence gained by women as martyrs and confessors, although this prominence cannot be said to have advantaged women in general. During the Vandal and Byzantine period we know of only a few women, primarily those with connections to the elite at Rome and Constantinople, who acted with the independence and authority of their class. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (Ancient History)

Cette étude cherche à appréhender la place qu’avaient occupée les Conflits et les Amours mythiques dans la mosaïque de l’Afrique Proconsulaire au Bas-Empire (fin du IIIème - début du Vème siècle). Aussi, savoir la nature des sujets, les modalités d’assimilation figurative, l’évolution des concepts, ainsi que les rapports qu’auraient eus les mosaïstes ou les commanditaires avec une culture considérée comme étrangère. Pour chaque mosaïque sont mis en évidence les apports respectifs de l’iconographie et de la littérature. Les composantes structurelles et conjoncturelles de chaque image, à savoir le cadre de l’action, les personnages, les modèles et les formules iconographiques, ainsi que les modalités de mise en scène, sont examinés de plus prés. s’interrogeant sur l’insistance des empreints, l’interchangeabilité entre thèmes, nous remettons en question des idées devenues avec le temps comme des dogmes, telle la totale dépendance de la mosaïque de l’Afrique Proconsulaire aux tendances artistiques de l’époque et son incapacité à se détacher de l’hégémonie des arts dits majeurs, et nous montrons que les mosaïstes africains ne sont pas de simples imitateurs, mais de véritables novateurs. D’autres approches sont nécessaires pour mettre nos mosaïques dans leurs contextes architecturaux et décoratifs d’origines. Ceci permettant d’aborder les problématiques liées aux relations sémantiques, vise à connaître les modalités d’insertions utilisées dans le reste de l’Empire, mais aussi de s’interroger sur la validité de certaines idées, comme l’existence d’une codification régissant les scènes représentées et les contextes architecturaux.Enfin le replacement de la mosaïque, et à l’intérieur d’une production artistique englobant toutes les autres disciplines, et la prise en considération de toutes les particularités, géographiques, historiques, sociales et culturelles de l’Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire, montre qu’il est difficile, voire impossible, de mesurer le rapport exact entre fonction administrative, statut financier et niveau culturel des commanditaires. Au lieu de continuer de parler de l’existence d’une même et une seul culture élitiste à laquelle adhère tous les aristocrates de l’Empire, il serait nécessaire de surpasser certains a priori et parler de diversités et de différences que de ressemblances. / The object of this thesis is the review of the conflicts and mythological love endeavors depicted in the Africa Proconsularis mosaics in the Late Antiquity period. In the meantime, one of the main aims is the study of the subject of the mosaics, the manners of the figurative assimilation, the evolution of the concept, and also the relation between the mosaic makers and a culture considered as a foreign one.For each mosaic are highlighted the respective contributions of the iconography and literature. The structural and conjectural components of each image, meaning the setting of the actions, the characters, the models and the iconographic formulas, and the methods of the production are examined more narrowly; questioning the insistence of imprints, interchange- ability between subjects. We are putting into question theories which has become over time as a dogma, such as the total dependence of the mosaic of Africa Proconsularis to the artistic trends of the time and the inability to separate from the hegemony of the arts alias the major; and we will try to demonstrate that the African mosaic makers were not mere imitators, but truly innovators.Moreover, other approaches are needed to put the mosaics within their architectural and decorative context. These approaches will allow addressing issues related to semantic relations, aiming to find out the modality of the insertion in the rest of the Empire, but also to investigate the validity of certain theories, such as the existence of a codification as a regulator linking the scenes presented and the architectural contexts.Finally, the replacement of the mosaic, in the artistic production encompassing all the other disciplines, taking into consideration all the geographical, historical, social particularities, and the cultural aspects of Roman Africa during the Late Antiquity, which give evidence that it is difficult or impossible to measure the exact relationship between administrative function, financial status and cultural level of the elite sponsors. Instead of, continuing to discuss about the existence of only an elitist culture that adheres to all the aristocracy of the Empire, it would need to exceed some a priori and talk about diversity and differences rather than only similarities.