The following thesis is a collection of three case studies which shed light on the ideal roles of a daughter in the Roman family over the course of her life. Plentiful recent scholarship on children in the Roman world exists, but few scholars have focused exclusively on girls and women qua daughters. The case studies are centred on epistolary sources which span the late Republic to the second century CE. The chapters of this thesis concern Timoxena, the two-year-old daughter of Plutarch; Minicia Marcella, the teenage daughter of Fundanus; and Tullia, the adult daughter of Cicero. These case studies will illustrate primarily that adult behaviours were constantly idealized throughout the life course of a daughter, but the expectations for a daughter did change to accommodate the actual age of the daughter concerned. In addition, the ideal behaviours expected of a daughter did not necessarily become more gendered as she grew older and became a full member of society, but her contribution to the bond of reciprocal obligation with her parents, dictated by pietas, was expected to intensify as she matured. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

De nombreuses thèses de grande qualité ont été rédigées autour de la situation sociale de la personne sans domicile fixe. La présente thèse aborde ce même thème,mais sous un angle singulier. Le raisonnement adopté consiste à établir de quelle façon la personne SDF peut être « inventée » en une figure de l’être au rebut. En perdantson travail, son réseau social et son domicile, le SDF quitte les espaces normés de la société. Il fait toujours partie de la structure sociale, mais relégué au plus bas de celle-ci,comme remisé dans un fond du panier social. C’est dans cet espace (physique et mental) que la société assigne à résidence ce(ux) qu’elle ne veut pas voir. Cette configurationsociale où le SDF peut être traité comme la pièce défectueuse d’une production, l’objet de qualité médiocre qu’on met de côté ou quelque chose de négligeable qu’on jette telun déchet. Le SDF serait condamné au rebut social.J’ai découvert la référence à une figure de l’être au rebut dans un texte de l’écrivain Herman Melville. La nouvelle Bartleby, le scribe est le point de départ de maréflexion sociologique. Le concept d’exclusion sociale me semble insuffisant pour décrire une dynamique de mise au rebut, notamment en raison de son approche binaire(dedans/dehors). Par conséquent, j’ai fait le choix de démarches heuristiques plus en phase avec l’idée de processus d’expulsion d’un lieu de vie sociale, d’une perte progressived’appartenance sociale. Ainsi, les chercheurs initiateurs des concepts de disqualification sociale (Paugam) et de désaffiliation sociale (Castel) m’ont été d’une grande utilité.Le SDF est défini négativement, son acronyme signale la lacune et l’absence. Son identité sociale pâtit d’une altérité négative conférée par le regard stigmatisantdu groupe social dont il est issu. À côté de la figure-repoussoir du SDF, je propose une notion que je nomme figure-rebutoir. Par rebutoir, je veux faire entendre d’abord ladimension de rebut, mais également celle de butoir. Cette figure sociale de l’altérité négative est parfois considérée par le corps social comme une pierre d’achoppement. Ellenous effraie parce qu’elle représente cette humanité détériorée que nous craignons de devenir un jour. En effet, la personne SDF assure parfois la fonction d’épouvantailsocial. Une des particularités de cette thèse réside dans la double origine de ses sources épistémologiques. D’une part, les sociologues m’ont fourni une boîte à outils efficacepour saisir le sens de cette mise au rebut. D’autre part, des écrivains concernés par une question sociale m’ont donné accès à un corpus pratique et opérant. Lesdits romanciersont immergé leur fiction dans un univers social où le personnage-SDF tient une place importante. Ces deux savoirs, sociologique et littéraire, concourent à doter cette thèsed’une épaisseur épistémologique indéniable. En effet, force est de constater que, bien souvent, sociologues et écrivains expriment des points de vue connexes et que leursméthodes respectives sont complémentaires.Le SDF, figure sociale de l’être au rebut ? Mes recherches témoignent de sa mise à l’écart, d’un mépris social à l’encontre de cet homme « domicilié » dansl’espace public, d’un refus de la société de reconnaître que c’est son fonctionnement qui le disqualifie et le désaffilie. La personne SDF est environnée d’objets rebutés : ellerécupère les aliments périmés jetés par les commerces, elle se vêtit de vêtements que les autres ont déjà portés et ne veulent plus, elle se confectionne un abri de fortune avecdes matériaux de récupération, elle gagne quelques pièces de monnaie grâce à la collecte de cannettes de soda ou de métaux. La proximité avec le rebut porte atteinte à sadignité et peut l’assimiler à du rebut humain. En effet, la personne SDF peut devenir personne aux yeux des autres, et dès lors se vivre comme rebut d’elle-même. / The social situation of the homeless person has been the subject of many excellent theses. This thesis deals with the same issue, taken from a different viewpoint.It attempts to show how a homeless person can be “invented” as a scrapheap figure. Without a job, a social network or a home, the homeless person exits the standarddimensions of society. He or she remains a part of the social structure but is relegated to its lowest level, a kind of social bottom of the basket. It is within this physical andmental dimension that society confines those it does not wish to see, in which they can be treated as defective parts of a production system, poor quality items that can be castaside or things of such little value that they can be thrown away like rubbish. In this configuration, the homeless person is condemned to be a social reject.I first discovered a literary reference to a scrapheap figure in a short story by Herman Melville, entitled Bartleby the Scrivener, which became the starting pointfor my sociology study. I do not find the concept of social exclusion sufficient for describing the dynamics of rejection, primarily because it is based on a binary notion ofinside and outside. As a result, I have chosen a heuristic approach that is more in keeping with the idea of a process of expulsion from a social living place, a gradual loss ofsocial affiliation. Thus Paugam and Castel, the researchers who initiated the concepts of social disqualification and social disaffiliation respectively, were very helpful to me.The homeless person is defined in negative terms; the adjective is based on the notion of lack or absence. The person’s social identity suffers from a negativealterity conferred by his/her stigmatisation by the social group from which he/she originates. Together with the idea of the homeless person as a figure of repulsion, I haveput forward the notion of what I call “figure-rebutoir”. “Rebutoir” combines the French words « rebut », meaning reject, scrap, waste, and « butoir » meaning a cut-off point,a strict limit. This is important because the social representation of negative alterity is problematic for society, in that the image of damaged humanity generates fear of whatany one of us could become. Indeed, the homeless person sometimes takes on the role of social scarecrow.One of the original features of this thesis lies in the fact that its epistemological sources are twofold. On one hand, sociologists have provided me with efficienttools for understanding the rejection process and on the other, writers with concern for this social issue have given me access to a practical and effective body of documents.The writers in question are novelists who have set their fiction in a social environment in which the homeless character has an important place. Sociological and literaryknowledge combine to give distinctive epistemological depth to the thesis. We are obliged to recognize the frequent connections between the points of view expressed bysociologists and those put forward by writers and to acknowledge the complementarity of their methods.The homeless person – social figure of the being on the scrapheap? My research shows the alienation and social contempt to which people whose « home » is inpublic space are subjected. It shows that society refuses to recognize that it is its own way of functioning that disqualifies and disaffiliates homeless people. The homelessperson is surrounded by rejected items: expired food products thrown out by shops, clothes worn and no longer wanted by other people, makeshift shelters built with whatevermaterials can be found, a few coins earned from collecting soda cans or metal. Living in such proximity to what has been rejected is damaging for a person’s sense of dignityand can lead to his/her status being assimilated to that

This study proposes that the design of Mark's Gospel is best appreciated by recognising the particular political, social and religious situation that gave rise it, and by taking into account the concerns, experiences and emotions of both the author and the intended readers. It is argued that proposals for an Eastern provenance lack evidence and plausibility, and that the Gospel was written in Rome. The time of writing is identified as the latter months of 71, as the Gospel contains a number of indications that the Jerusalem Temple had been destroyed and that the Triumph of Vespasian and Titus in July/August 71 had recently occurred. Moreover, there are several allusions to events that had occurred within a year or two prior to that date. An investigation of the political and social situation shows that Christians had reason to be fearful, especially after the return of Titus. Through an examination of the rhetorical techniques contained within the text, it is proposed that the Gospel was a response to the protracted suffering of the Christians of Rome, addressing their doubts about God in the face of Roman power, their fear of further executions, and stresses within the community caused by apostasy and betrayal. Paying close attention to the mood of the text, an analysis of Mark's rhetoric shows how it responds to the readers' anxieties (including fear of delation), counters Flavian propaganda, and provides hope and strength. As appeals to the emotions were regarded as a key tool of ancient rhetoric, careful attention is paid to their use throughout the Gospel, showing that Mark produced a text full of pathos, matching the highly stressful atmosphere, and placing the readers' cries for help and prayers into the mouths of characters. In repeatedly stirring the readers' emotions by reminding them of their own painful experiences and by alluding to contemporary events and social attitudes, Mark explains why they are persecuted, and helps them to deal with their fear. He portrays Jesus as the one who had led the way by accepting martyrdom for the gospel in similar circumstances. He shapes many scenes to remind them of their Roman situation, especially the trials and executions of fellow Christians. Mark's rhetorical use of the disciples is also explored, showing that he aimed to elicit sympathy for those who had failed under pressure, which indicates that he was advocating their readmittance into the community. It is proposed that reading the Gospel as rhetoric addressed to this situation provides a quite different view of its nature, design and purposes, and gives a very different perspective to a number of debated issues within Markan scholarship.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

<p>The aim of this thesis is to explore the Roman <em>salutatio</em>. The morning ritual was reiterated daily throughout the Republic and Empire, and was a fundamental facet of Roman interactions between citizens of varying status. This thesis moves beyond the traditional interpretation of the ritual as a manifestation of Roman patronage, and rather examines the asymmetrical social relationships that existed at the <em>salutatio</em> within the context of the applicable socio-political ideologies of the Republic and Empire. As a ritual that was enacted on a daily basis for centuries, the <em>salutatio</em> is a useful conduit to understand the complexities of social interaction in Roman society.</p> <p>Much of the traditional scholarship on the <em>salutatio</em> has interpreted the <em>salutator</em>/salutatee relationship essentially as a system of social acquiescence, where the salutatee was able to accrue significant social esteem, and the <em>salutator</em> was merely a humble <em>cliens</em> or social inferior. This thesis dissects the abundant, yet fleeting references to the social practice in the ancient sources to analyze how participation in the <em>salutatio</em> impacted individual social status within the greater Roman collective, which was inherently hierarchical. The sources consequently suggest that the ritual was not a system of social subordination, but was rather an accepted behavioural practice which served as a mechanism to promote or establish a distinct ‘Roman-ness’ within the collective Roman identity, irrespective of status. This study furthermore considers influences which prompted significant adaptations of the <em>salutatio</em> over time, which consequently illuminates greater complexities of the Roman social structure.</p> <p>This thesis ultimately presents the <em>salutatio</em> as a Republican ritual which was monopolized by the emperor after the substantial socio-political shift that ensued from the political modification of Republic to Empire. The ritual of the <em>salutatio</em> is therefore a manifestation of the instabilities of the Roman social structure.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis is concerned with the representation of children on sculptural funerary commemoration, with a focus on freedmen panel reliefs and funerary altars. Although there is evidence found from all regions of the Empire, the majority of the material discussed here is from the city of Rome itself. Representations of young children first appear on freedmen panel reliefs, which date to the end of the Republic and were produced into the first century of the Empire. When this genre declined in popularity at the end of the first century AD, funerary altars emerged as the new, preferred form of commemoration. The goal of this thesis is to show that these two types of funerary monuments reveal much about the children themselves, but also provide insight into the social and cultural identity of their parents. Due to the family relationships expressed on these commemorations, I also evaluate the degree of affect demonstrated by the parents or the dedicator towards the children present on these monuments. The first chapter provides a socio-cultural background on the role of children in the family and Roman society as well as the importance of funerary commemoration. In this chapter I also discuss the likelihood of high infant and child mortality rates and explore reactions towards the death of children in literary evidence and social conventions. In the second chapter I provide a background on the significance of the freedman family, followed by an examination of the panel reliefs. The third chapter examines funerary altars that commemorate young children. The material discussed in this chapter is analyzed through a case study approach of nine altars, examining both the epigraphic elements and the sculptural components.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)