Julius Caesar’s rise to power was achieved through a combination of different sources of power. These ‘portfolios of power’ were money and connections, oratory, and religion, and they worked either in conjunction or separately throughout Caesar’s life to further his career. Each portfolio served multiple functions. For instance, connections were used to advocate on his behalf when needed, money was utilised to create financial dependency (i.e. loaning to potential allies), rhetoric was applied to promote himself, while religion was used to assert his hegemony over the Gauls. It was indeed his cultivation and expansion of these diverse portfolios that led to his eventual supremacy over the Roman world. One asset alone would not have sufficed during the various challenges throughout his career. Furthermore, it was his diverse portfolios of power that set him apart from other Roman politicians. For example, Cicero and Pompeius, each relied chiefly on one portfolio to acquire power, oratory for Cicero and military prowess for Pompeius. The extent to which Caesar sought to be sole ruler is debatable, but we can say with confidence that throughout his career, he had clear goals and developed strategies to achieve them.

This essay concern the Bona Dea cult and women in the Roman Republic. By using ancient literary sources and inscriptions the different aspects of the cult is examined from a gender and an intersectional perspective. The essay covers the lives and rights of Roman women, their role in religion in general and how they participated in the Bona Dea cult specifically. The aim of the study is to understand the importance of the cult for women, freedmen and slaves, as well as analysing the paradox of letting women participate in rituals and customs otherwise forbidden to them.

Lucretius wrote his six-book philosophical epic poem De Rerum Natura a few decades before the fall of the Roman Republic and the start of the principate and the reign of Augustus in 27 BC, in a time of great social and political upheaval. This thesis examines Lucretius’ appropriation and correction of traditional Roman social and political rhetoric as part of his therapeutic philosophical programme, which aims to alleviate fear and anxiety through a rational understanding of nature. Specifically, this thesis examines Lucretius’ innovative use of foedus, a charged Roman word with many powerful connotations which is generally translated as “treaty”, “pact” or “covenant”. More than just an agreement, a foedus represented a divinely sanctioned ritualized contract between Rome and another polity, one which could not be broken without grave spiritual and political repercussions. They were an integral part of Roman life and culture and were strongly associated with imperialism, ambition, religion and sacrifice, and so Lucretius’ decision to adopt that word for the unthinking, unchanging, atheistic, necessary laws that limit and guide nature – despite his explicit condemnation of exactly those values foedus represents – is at first glance mystifying. As this thesis will show, however, foedus turns out to be an exceedingly apt choice, infusing almost every aspect of Lucretius’ Epicurean work with subtle complexity and meaning and contributing strongly to his polemical, therapeutic, ethical and didactic agendas. This thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter examines the social, political and philosophical contexts which influenced Lucretius to adopt Epicureanism. It then delves into some of the issues surrounding his innovative use of foedus. Chapter Two attempts to answer the research question of why foedus? by comparing and contrasting the essential characteristics of Roman foedera against those of Lucretius’ foedera naturae. This in turn provides a more detailed picture of Lucretius’ philosophical system both in terms of its physical and ethical doctrines, and suggests some possible motivations for Lucretius’ choice. Chapter Three looks at the deeper significance of Lucretius’ use of foedus and its role in his therapeutic programme of correction. Driving this chapter is Lucretius’ exploitation of the etymological connection between the noun foedus (‘treaty’, ‘covenant’) and the adjective foedus, ‘foul’. Chapter Three is divided into two sections, each focusing on Lucretius’ masterful manipulation of foedus and its etymological roots – as well as generic expectations and language in general –first for polemical purposes, then for therapeutic / Graduate / ltee.323@gmail.com

This study examines the influence of Rome’s diplomatic management in channels apart from official ones and open contacts among states, on her expansion and Republic from the 200s to 133 BCE. In this thesis such involvement in foreign affairs is called informal diplomacy. This terminology was not used by the Romans directly but is useful in showing the following. In the period of Rome’s advance into the Greek world, she approached not only foreign states but also individuals, while individual Romans also increasingly participated in such contacts independently. These acts sometimes took place openly and/or while using formal diplomatic exchanges and sometimes informally and secretly. The aim of the Romans concerned was to win over the people approached and their fellow citizens, and international public opinion, and these approaches were developed in parallel to official negotiations among states. This diplomacy enabled Rome to manage foreign affairs flexibly and contributed to her increasing the dependence of foreign states and individuals on her, in particular those in the Greek world. This thesis also argues that informal diplomacy caused struggles among the Romans symbolised by the violence that occurred in the tribunate of Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. This situation originated from the ill-defined relationship between informal diplomacy, legality, and the collective leadership of the senators. As informal diplomacy became more common among the Romans, the users individually rose among the leading Romans. This tendency undermined the dignity of the Senate, but this organ had no method to control it. Consideration of legitimacy of using informal diplomacy had been tacitly avoided by the Romans because of its ad hoc utility, and the Senate had not necessarily been the sole decision-maker in the Republic. Its leadership could be legitimately denied by the users of informal diplomacy if they had some authority and were supported by the people in and beyond Rome. All the Senate could do in order to maintain its dignity was to attempt to control them with political tactics and violence. This was a foretaste of the conflict that was to occur in the final century of the Republic. Through demonstrating these advantages and disadvantages of informal diplomacy to Rome, I show this diplomatic concept is a valuable and fruitful one to employ in the study of Rome during the period of remarkable expansion and afterwards.

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The focus of this study is aristocratic fathers and sons in the middle and late Roman Republic (264 – 27 B.C.). By considering legal, literary, and material evidence, it addresses the behaviour of elite families throughout this period. Although there is a great deal of important research conducted on family relations in the ancient world more generally, there is no extensive study which analyses the bonds of duty, obligation, and affection between fathers and sons in republican Rome. It is this gap in the scholarship which is addressed in my thesis. The key aspects of this relationship are considered through several interconnected chapters. Each reflects the social nature of this analysis, and demonstrates that traditional values, dynastic considerations, and social ideals promoted a sense of common identity and unity within the household. Although the hierarchical nature of Roman family life also provided opportunities for conflict between father and son, ultimately the relationship between the two was governed by these three concerns, as well as the close correlation between public and private in the lives of the republican elite. The discussion begins by considering the high valuation of fatherhood at Rome, evidenced by the use of terms derived from pater, and argues that the qualities expected of this individual were similar to those associated with the ideal statesman (Ch. I). From there, depictions of the Roman father by Greek and Roman authors are analysed to show that the former often emphasised the morality of the episode in question, while the latter stressed the conflict between the well-being of the family and the safety of the state (Ch. II). The argument then moves on to explore social expectations. Cicero’s Pro Roscio Amerino provides an example in which the ideals for father and son relationships are manipulated in order to persuade an audience (Ch. III). This shows that pietas, duty, companionship, and support towards one another were recognised as norms for these individuals. The discussion of the paterfamilias in the following chapter demonstrates that he was expected to act as a role model for future generations, and to provide education and protection to his dependants (Ch. IV). The reputation and continuity of the family line were also important considerations for the aristocratic head of household. From there, traditional values, dynastic considerations, and social ideals are explored through the family life-cycle (Ch. V). This section establishes that these three areas fostered a sense of common identity and unity within the household, and exerted significant pressure upon fathers and sons to maintain relatively harmonious relationships. The final chapter considers literary portrayals of Rome’s founders in order to reiterate the close correlation between the ideal of the father and the ideal of the statesman (Ch. VI). It concludes that the use of the father-figure by Augustus and later emperors to legitimise their position in the state develops from the ideological significance of fatherhood in the Republic.

Les institutions de la République romain (509-27 av. J. C.) prévoyaient, théoriquement, que les magistratures électives et annuelles ne devaient jamais être vacantes. Ce principe juridique fondamental avait pour conséquence une absolue continuité dans la détention du pouvoir exécutif qui reposait sur le ius, les auspicia et l’imperium. Cependant, il arriva à maintes reprises que les magistratures supérieures – consulat, tribunat militaire à pouvoir consulaire – fussent suspendues en raison soit d’entrave à la tenue des comices électoraux, soit de scrupules religieux entraînant l’expiation rituelle et la renouatio auspiciorum. La légimité et la légalité de la solution à la vacance du pouvoir exécutif reposaient alors sur les patres auctores, détenteurs des auspicia patrum, apanage exclusif des sénateurs patriciens. Les vénérables pères, descendants des plus illustres familles de Rome, étaient les seuls à même de remédier à la vacance des magistratures par ce rite nommé interregnum qui remontait, d’après la tradition, à l’époque royale latino-sabine et renvoyait au mythe bien connu du démembrement et de l’apothéose de Romulus. Le partage du corps souverain constitue à ce titre un symbole fondamental de la représentation de l’auctoritas patrum et de la magistrature républicaine dont il serait peut-être vain de rechercher l’historicité. L’objet de cette étude est donc d’analyser la fort ancienne institution de l’interregnum qui, comme bien d’autres, était caractérisée par un passage progressif du sacral au juridique. Le droit public prévoit dans tout système institutionnel des recours d’exception révélant la représentation psychologique du pouvoir souverain. Rome n’échappe pas à la règle ; elle put même, d’une certaine façon l’inventer. / The institutions of the Roman Republic (509-27 B.C.) were made to ensure, in theory, that electives and annuals magistracies must never be vacant. This fundamental juridic rule had for consequence an absolute continuity in the detention of the executive power which were based on ius, auspicia and imperium. However, in many times it occurs that the supremes magistracies – consulate, military tribunate with consular power – were suspended in reason either hindrance to the conduct of consular elections or religious misgiving leading to ritual expiation and renouatio auspiciorum. Legitimity and legality of the solution to the vacancy of the executive power then relied on the patres auctores, holders of the auspicia patrum, exclusive privilege of the patrician senators. The venerables fathers, heirs of Rome’s most illustrious families, were the only ones habilited to put an end to the vacancy of the magistracies by using this ritual called interregnum which appeared, following the roman tradition, during the latine-sabine period et were connected to the famous myth of the dismemberment and the apotheosis of Romulus. The partition of the king’s embodiment constitute, as such, a fundamental symbol of the representation of auctoritas patrum and of the republican magistracy on which it should be vain to search any historicity. The purpose of this study is so to analyse the very old institution of the interregnum which, as many, were caracterised by the progressive transformation from the sacral to the juridic. The public law makes provision, in all institutionnals systems, for exception resort revealing the psychologic representation of the sovereign power. Rome is not an exception to the rule ; the city could even, in a certain manner, have invented it.

This thesis explores the sophistication of the ancient Roman economy through an analysis of credit instruments in elite finances. The study of the ancient economy is a contentious but important field of study, within which exists a lively scholarly debate. This project seeks to contribute to that debate through the investigation of late republican finances, using Cicero's Letters to Atticus. By studying Cicero's financial maneuvers and commentary, this thesis argues that elite usage of nomina during this time period provides evidence for the existence of a sophisticated elite credit system. Such a system allowed for the development of nomina as flexible credit instruments for Roman elites competing in a fraught socio-political context.

This study intends to analyze the importance of institutional trust in the process of democratization. In this particular case, the period from 494 to 88 BC in the Roman republic is examined. The theories of Charles Tilly and Robert Putnam are utilized to more deeply examine the concepts and manifestations of trust and democratization. Using the ideas and theories of these authors together provides a unique insight into the means by which a population comes to trust that government is responsive, and further comes to expect increased responsiveness in the future. Institutional trust as an element of mutually binding consultation will be explored via proposed and successful plebeian legislation in the Roman republic. This study examines legislative actions, defined as proposed legislation (rogationes) alongside successful legislation (plebiscita and leges), which originated in the plebeian assembly, the concilium plebis, under the guidance of the tribunes of the plebs, the elected officials of the plebeian population at Rome. In all, 236 legislative actions between 494 and 88 BC are divided into four themes of democratizing action, termed equality, broadening of participation, protection and mutually binding consultation, and then further organized into one of nine sub-categories for each theme. Findings suggest that the final period of 192 to 88 BC, which is period of frenzied plebeian political activity through the concilium plebis and the tribunes of the plebs, is made possible by a marked increase in legislative actions related to mutually binding consultation in the pervious period (292 to 193 BC). These findings support the claim by Tilly and Putnam that democratization can occur only with increases in institutional trust.

The starting point of the article is the idea that the original model of state of emergency government established to save the Constitution can be found in the Classical Roman Republic. It makes the characteristics of this institution to be analyzed. Institution that has founded an intellectual ‘tradition’ in the political and legal Western thought. The study also comments the characteristics that distinguish the “Roman dictatorship” as a concept that lightens the theoretical options of people who worry about the constitutional emergencies and the powers to set against. / El artículo toma como punto de partida la idea de que es en la República romana clásica donde ha de encontrarse el modelo original del gobierno de excepción instaurado para salvar la Constitución. A partir de ello, se analizan las características de esta institución, que ha fundado una«tradición» intelectual en el pensamiento político y jurídico de Occidente. El estudio también comenta los rasgos que distinguen a la «dictadura romana» como concepción que ilumina las opciones teóricas de quienes se preocupan por las emergencias constitucionales y los poderes para hacerles frente.