This thesis builds on recent scholarship on Dio’s φύσις model to argue that Dio’s view of the fall of the Republic can be explained in terms of his interest in the relationship between human nature and political constitution. Chapter One examines Dio’s thinking on Classical debates surrounding the issue of φύσις and is dedicated to a detailed discussion of the terms that are important to Dio’s understanding of Republican political life. The second chapter examines the relationship between φύσις and Roman theories of moral decline in the late Republic. Chapter Three examines the influence of Thucydides on Dio. Chapter Four examines Dio’s reliance on Classical theories of democracy and monarchy. These four chapters, grouped into two sections, show how he explains the downfall of the Republic in the face of human ambition. Section Three will be the first of two case studies, exploring the life of Cicero, one of the main protagonists in Dio’s history of the late Republic. In Chapter Five, I examine Dio’s account of Cicero’s career up to the civil war between Pompey and Caesar. Chapter Six explores Cicero’s role in politics in the immediate aftermath of Caesar’s death, first examining the amnesty speech and then the debate between Cicero and Calenus. Chapter Seven examines the dialogue between Cicero and Philiscus, found in Book 38. In Section Four is my other case study, Caesar. Chapter Eight discusses Caesar as a Republican politician. In Chapter Nine, I examine Dio’s version of the mutiny at Vesontio and Caesar’s speech. Chapter Ten examines Dio’s portrayal of Caesar after he becomes dictator and the speech he delivers to the senate. The Epilogue ties together the main conclusions of the thesis and examines how the ideas explored by Dio in his explanation of the fall of the Republic are resolved in his portrait of the reign of Augustus.

L’objectif de cette thèse est de vérifier si les publicains sous la République romaine étaient organisés sous une forme semblable à celle de la compagnie moderne. Après l’introduction, le second chapitre introduit la compagnie, les autres structures utilisées pour organiser une entreprise et la personnalité juridique en droit moderne. Il réfute trois idées préconçues ayant influencé les historiens et les juristes. Le troisième chapitre présente les publicains et leurs activités. En effet, les historiens et les juristes y font abondamment référence dans leur argumentation concernant l’organisation juridique des publicains; il faut donc se familiariser avec elles. Une revue critique de la littérature historique est effectuée. Le quatrième chapitre procède à l’analyse critique de la position des historiens et des juristes sur l’organisation juridique des publicains. D’abord, il explique la notion de société ordinaire de droit romain; ensuite, il discute de l’évolution du concept de la personnalité juridique distincte; enfin, il étudie le cas particulier des sociétés de publicains. Ces dernières seraient différentes des sociétés ordinaires, parce qu’elles détiendraient une personnalité juridique distincte et auraient une organisation interne à trois paliers (actionnaires, administrateurs et dirigeants). Toutefois, ce point de vue est fondé sur des sources datant de plusieurs siècles après la fin de la République. Il faut donc examiner les sources contemporaines afin de vérifier si elles nous mènent aux mêmes conclusions. Le cinquième chapitre contient une analyse originale de la documentation républicaine. De nouveaux éléments de preuve sont repérés. Il confirme que les sociétés de publicains ont détenu un embryon de personnalité juridique distincte durant le dernier siècle de la République; par contre, c’était aussi le cas des sociétés ordinaires. Les sociétés de publicains n’avaient pas une organisation interne à trois paliers; en outre, celle des sociétés ordinaires incluait des magistri comme la leur. Les sociétés des publicains s’apparentaient à des sociétés en commandite et non à des compagnies. La conclusion souligne les éléments nouveaux contribués au savoir par chaque chapitre du doctorat. / The purpose of this thesis is to verify whether at the time of the Roman Republic, the publicans were organized in a structure similar to the modern corporation. After the introduction, the second chapter introduces the corporation, the other legal structures used to organize a business and legal personality in modern law. It refutes three preconceived ideas which have influenced historians and jurists. The third chapter presents the publicans and their activities, since historians and jurists abundantly refer to those in their argumentation regarding the legal organization of publicans. It is therefore necessary to familiarize ourselves with them. A critical review of historical literature is conducted. The fourth chapter proceeds to a critical analysis of the position of the historians and the jurists on the legal organization of publicans. It starts with an explanation of the ordinary partnership in Roman law, it then discusses the evolution of legal personality in Roman law and finally, it presents the special case of the partnerships of publicans. These were apparently been different from ordinary partnerships, because they had legal personality and had a three-levels internal organization (shareholders, directors and officers). However, this point of view is based on sources which post-date the Republic by several centuries. We should therefore examine contemporary sources to verify if they lead us to the same conclusions. The fifth chapter contains an original analysis of the republican documentation. New pieces of evidence are identified. It confirms that publican partnerships had an embryo of legal personality during the last century of the Republic; however, it was also the case of ordinary partnerships. Publican partnerships did not have a three levels internal organisation; in addition; that of the ordinary partnerships included magistri like their own. The publican partnerships were similar to limited partnerships, not to corporations. The conclusion identifies the new elements contributed to knowledge by each chapter of the thesis.

Den här uppsatsen undersöker de olika sätt på vilka romarna beskrivs behandla sina fiender under den tidiga Romerska republiken (509–290 f.Kr). Med avstamp i Edward Saids post-koloniala teori om framställningen av den Andre, och Erich Gruens arbete om representation under antiken, analyseras beskrivningar av de öden Roms många fiender led som står att återfinnas i Livius, Diodorus Siculus, och Dionysios från Halikarnassos historiska verk om den unga Romerska republiken. I enlighet med uppsatsens hermeneutiska metod är analysen uppdelad i två delar, vilka behandlar uppror och krig mot utländska stater, respektive. De exempel som går att återfinna i källmaterialet förstås också som delar i en helhet, och de undersöks dels i sin egna kontext och jämförs med andra exempel i det stora sammanhanget. De romerska segrarna analyseras för att se hur källorna beskriver de erövrades öden, både materiellt och rent kroppsligt, och uppsatsen undersöker hur dessa framställs, och om källmaterialet representerar olika etniska gruppers behandling på olika sätt.Undersökningen visar att källorna, varken för sig själva eller sedda som en helhet, inte framställer det som att romarna hade tydliga och konsekventa riktlinjer för hur besegrade folk behandlades, men att vissa mönster ändå kan urskönjas, särskilt när det kommer till hur folkgrupper som gjorde uppror mot om behandlades. Olika folkslags etniska härkomst framställs inte som avgörande för hur de behandlades av Rom, trots källornas stundtals nedsättande kommenterar om sådana folkslag. Undersökningen visar att latinare, efter större uppror, kunde visas viss barmhärtighet, men källorna beskriver även hur latinska städer vid tillfällen utplånades tillsammans med deras befolkning av romarna, och även hur andra folkslag kunde skonas, och det blir tydligt att källmaterialets representation inte framställer någon etnicitet, vare sig besläktad med romarna själva eller helt avlägsen, som en garant mot romersk brutalitet.

The search for origins of the republican aedileship presents a difficult task. At first sight the story about foundation and evolution of this magistracy lies in ancient sources. On the closer look it may be discerned, that the same sources have their own present intentions. They search for a tradition in oral based history to legitimise the current status of the aedileship and present it in historical context. Yet another question raises ambiguity. The twin character of the magistracy blurs our perceptions and makes it challenging to distinguish whether plebeian and curule aedileships are evolving intertwined or apart of each other. Nevertheless, delving upon the wide variety of ancient sources it is still possible to reconstruct the basic functions and duties of the aediles. Furthermore, the aedileship has to be looked upon in broader picture, in order to figure out, how it is situated in the system of republican magistracies and why the roman aristocrats strived to serve as aediles. The main purpose of this paper is to bring the aedileship out of the shadows and present it as full pledged research topic. Starting with aedileship it may embark us on questioning our knowledge of the republican magistracies. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

L’étude a pour objet le combat de cavalerie dans le monde romain du Ier siècle a.C. au VIe siècle p.C. Il s’agit d’un travail de synthèse, traitant de la doctrine d’emploi de la cavalerie aux époques impériale et proto-byzantine. Les questions organisationnelles et stratégiques sont abordées, mais la focale est surtout mise sur la tactique et la physionomie du combat. L’objectif de cette recherche est de rendre compte de l’évolution de l’art de la guerre durant la fin de l’Antiquité en analysant spécifiquement les enjeux liés au développement et à l’utilisation de la cavalerie. L’importance croissante des troupes montées dans la stratégie impériale marque en effet une rupture importante dans l’histoire de l’armée romaine. Au primat des guerres offensives, de la bataille rangée et de l’infanterie lourde succède progressivement celui de la temporisation, de la guérilla frontalière et des cavaliers-archers. Ces changements, qui n’ont jamais fait l’objet d’une analyse approfondie, sont ici situés dans le temps long de l’Antiquité romaine. Le dialogue des sources narratives, techniques, figurées et archéologiques permet de dégager un schéma évolutif cohérent, un « développement organique des formes de combat » (Hans Delbrück) que nous nous efforçons de réinscrire dans le contexte plus large de l’évolution de la culture militaire impériale, en attachant une importance particulière au rapport des Romains à la guerre et à leur perception idéale des rôles respectifs de l’infanterie et de la cavalerie. / This study is about cavalry warfare in the Roman world from the 1st century BC to the 6th century AD. It is a work of synthesis dealing with the employment doctrine of cavalry in the imperial and early Byzantine eras. Organizational and strategic issues are discussed, but the focus is mainly put on tactics and battle mechanics. The aim of this research is to account for the evolution of the art of war during the end of Antiquity by analyzing specifically the stakes involved in the development and use of cavalry. The growing importance of mounted troops in the imperial strategy marks an important change in the history of the Roman army, with a gradual shift from offensive warfare, pitched battle and heavy infantry toward deception, frontier warfare and mounted archery. These changes, which have never been the subject of a thorough analysis, are here reviewed in the overall context of Roman history. The cross-analysis of narrative, technical, iconographic and archaeological sources reveals a coherent evolutionary pattern, an "organic development of forms of combat" (Hans Delbrück), which we endeavor to reinsert in the wider context of a changing Roman military culture, attaching particular importance to the Romans' relationship to warfare and to their ideal perception of the respective roles of infantry and cavalry.

This dissertation is a historical analysis of Varro’s De Lingua Latina, a linguistic treatise composed in the 40s BCE during Rome’s transition from oligarchic Republican government to the monarchic settlement of the Augustan Principate. I advance a reading which restores contemporary political and intellectual context to the treatise, complementing and revising previous scholarship which has traditionally focused on the Greek philosophical pedigree of Varro’s work. As such, I explore Varro’s thematic emphasis on natura (‘Nature’) in his linguistic programme, which, as a term with wide-ranging intertextual functions, embodies its complex philosophical, political, and literary character. This five-chapter dissertation is subdivided between the surviving books on etymology (Chapters 1-3) and inflection (Chapters 4-5). In Chapter 1 (“Organisation and Meaning in Varro’s Etymologies”), I explore Varro’s etymologies in De Lingua Latina, Books 5-7, and explain how his programmatic emphasis on natural philosophy conveys his unique etymological authority. In Chapter 2 (“Grammatical Discourse in De Lingua Latina”), I consider Varro’s reception of grammatical techniques of etymological exegesis, elucidating his preference for philosophical readings of poetry and the social value of literary sophistication in the late Republic. Chapter 3 (“Ethnography and Identity in Varro’s Etymologies”) develops Varro’s etymological project as a kind of ethnography of the Roman people, which contextualises Varro’s philosophical intervention in the changing circumstances of his era. Chapters 4-5 are devoted to an analysis of Books 8-10, in which Varro describes his theory of morphological inflection (declinatio naturalis) as a platform for Latin linguistic standardisation. In Chapter 4 (“Declinatio and Linguistic Standardisation in the late Republic”), I survey the politics of linguistic standardisation in the late Republic. Mediating in a debate between Cicero and Caesar, I describe Varro’s nuanced revision of existing models of analogical inflection, and characterise his use of natura to explain linguistic standards. In Chapter 5 (“Linguistic Analogy and Natural Ratio in De Lingua Latina, Books 8-10”), I relate Varro’s linguistic innovations to contemporary shifts in cultural authority, and demonstrate how his transference of linguistic standardisation to philosophy entails a radical reorganisation of the existing political status quo. / text

Si la forte présence des personnages illustres et des cités antiques dans les œuvres politiques de Jean-Jacques Rousseau a été remarquée dès leur parution, leur fonction a trop longtemps été interprétée comme celle d'exemples à imiter. L'étude des multiples sources de Rousseau nous permet de mettre en lumière la complexité de ses références à l'Antiquité. Loin de présenter les grandes figures et les cités antiques comme des exemples monolithiques que le lecteur serait invité à faire revivre ou à regretter, Rousseau construit des modèles dynamiques, afin d'établir et d'explorer les « principes du droit politique», selon les termes du sous-titre du Contrat social. A partir de l'admiration pour les grands héros de Plutarque découverts dans son enfance, cette représentation se déplace dès le Discours sur les sciences et les arts vers l'étude des cités antiques, dont la réussite politique tient à ce qu'elles ont pleinement compris et exploité l'articulation fondamentale entre anthropologie et politique. C'est donc uniquement en observant comment les institutions politiques antiques prennent en charge la formation morale de l'homme que l'on peut pleinement établir les critères de fondation d'un corps politique légitime. La pensée politique antique joue ainsi un rôle considérable dans l'établissement de la distinction fondamentale entre souveraineté (pouvoir législatif) et gouvernement (pouvoir exécutif). L'étude de ces deux parties essentielles du corps politique met en évidence que la prégnance du modèle romain, plus fort que le modèle spartiate, permet à Rousseau de penser non seulement la fondation, mais encore la durée et le devenir du cor ps politique. / This dissertation conducts a systematic examination of Jean-Jacques Rousseau 's representation of Antiquity and provides a new interpretation of its meaning. Rousseau's lifelong interest in ancient Greece and Rome has so far been interpreted mainly as a personal myth, rooted in his emotional identification with examples of civic virtue. Challenging this interpretation, I analyze Rousseau's vision of Antiquity as a carefully constructed representatio n that seeks to answer key questions of early modern political thought. As he constructs his political system, Rousseau considers ancient material through a complex web of mediations, which alter his representation of Antiquity . The admiration for great men inherited from his childhood reading of Plutarch quickly turns into the construction of dynamic political models. Rousseau draws on ancient historical examples, as weil as on Plato's and Aristotle's political philosophy, to articulate his own definition of key modern political concepts such as sovereignty and body politic. In Rousseau's view ancient cities were politically successful because they fully understood the fundamental connection between anthropology and politics, placing the moral education of the citizens at the core of political action. Studying examples of ancient cities thus becomes indispensable not only to define a truly legitimate political structure, but also to design methods and practices to make it last over ti me. In this respect, the Roman Republic, whose institutions more successfully faced the challenge of history, serves as a more significant political model than Sparta. Reassessing Rousseau's representation of Antiquity thus allows usto reevaluate the place of government in his political system.