Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-08-02T11:50:25Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Alice Maria de Souza - 2016.pdf: 1675996 bytes, checksum: 417613aa0943619025d9571a8a642520 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-08-02T11:51:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Alice Maria de Souza - 2016.pdf: 1675996 bytes, checksum: 417613aa0943619025d9571a8a642520 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-02T11:51:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Alice Maria de Souza - 2016.pdf: 1675996 bytes, checksum: 417613aa0943619025d9571a8a642520 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work aims to analyze the different ways in which Lucius Cornelius Sulla, protagonist of two Civil Wars and Roman Dictator at the beginning of the first century BC, was characterized throughout Roman history. In order to do so, we have chosen three textual documents written in different contexts, whose interpretations of this Roman figure clearly diverge. By understanding the elements outside the text itself – such as context, author's aims and genre – we interpret these documents not only as products of appropriations of the past but also as producers of new representations of it, serving as transmitters and reframers of memory. Thus, the Jugurthine War that Sallust wrote during the Second Triumvirate, the Parallel Lifes written by Plutarch of Chaeronea in the last decades of the first century AD and the Roman History that Appian wrote during the reign of the Antonines at the end of the second century AD are studied to demonstrate how, over time, the view on the Sulla's trajectory have undergone significant change. / O presente trabalho objetiva analisar as diferentes maneiras que Lúcio Cornélio Sula, protagonista de duas Guerras Civis e Ditador romano no início do século I a.C., foi caracterizado ao longo da história romana. Para tanto, elegemos três documentos textuais escritos em diferentes contextos, cujas interpretações sobre esse romano divergem claramente. Compreendendo os elementos exteriores ao texto em si – tais como contexto, objetivos do autor e gênero – interpretamos esses documentos não somente como produtos de apropriações do passado mas também como produtores de novas representações dele, servindo como veículos de transmissão e ressignificação da memória. Assim, a Guerra de Jugurta que Salústio escreveu durante o Segundo Triunvirato, a Vida de Sula escrita por Plutarco de Queronéia nas últimas décadas do século I d.C. e a História Romana que Apiano escreveu durante o governo dos Antoninos, no final do século II d.C., foram estudadas para demonstrar como, ao longo do tempo, a visão relativa à trajetória de Sula sofreu significativas mudanças.

Les notions de Bien commun et de citoyenneté ont été au centre des préoccupations des acteurs politiques comme des philosophes de la Rome antique. Elles constituent l’essence de toute République. Cette Thèse a comme objectif de montrer, à partir des œuvres de Cicéron, Salluste et Tite-Live, que la grandeur et la décadence de la République romaine sont intrinsèquement liées à la gestion du Bien commun. Notre démarche a donc été de remonter, avec nos auteurs, au passé de Rome, pour voir, à partir des valeurs qui ont fait la grandeur de la République, pourquoi ce déclin a pu s’amorcer. Le résultat auquel nous avons abouti a été de montrer que la principale cause de la décadence de la République romaine est la propension qu’ont eue les Romains, à partir de la fin de la Deuxième Guerre punique, à privilégier leurs intérêts et ambitions personnels au détriment de l’intérêt général. Ces faits nouveaux, selon nos auteurs, ont été rendus possibles par une crise sans précédent due à une ouverture démesurée de la citoyenneté qui rendit non opérationnelles des institutions prévues pour une cité. / The notions of common good and citizenship were at the centre of the preoccupations of political stakeholders as well as Ancient Rome philosophers. They constitute the essence of every Republic. Based on the works of Cicero, Sallust and Livy, this thesis aims at showing that the greatness and decline of the Roman Republic are intrinsically linked to common good management. Our approach was therefore to go back, with our authors, to the past of Rome, to see, from the values that have made the greatness of the Republic, how this decline happened. Our research made it possible to conclude that the main cause of the decline of the Roman Republic was the propensity of Romans, from the end of the Second Punic War, to privilege their personal interests and ambitions to the detriment of general interest. According to our authors, these new events were caused by an unprecedented crisis due to a disproportionate openness of Citizenship that had paralysed the institutions, initially planned for just a city like Rome.

- 1 - Roman officials during the Republic Abstract This thesis was created with the aim to provide a comprehensive look into the problematics of Roman magistracies in the republican times. Appart from the listing of individual republican offices and their powers, which constitutes the crux of this thesis, it also grapples many questions closely connected to the concept of Roman republican magistracies, including questions of sociopolitical and legal nature. Attention is also given to historical and societal circumstances that have led to the creation of individual magistracies, rules governing holding these offices, their acquisition and resignation and furthermore the relationship between individual magistracies regarding the course of offices. The opening chapter deals with the term Roman magistracy itself and later with the principles governing magistracies as a whole as well as the division of offices into groups based on certain criteria. Likewise, the Roman course of offices - cursus honorum is an important part of the chapter as well as the insignia and privileges of the office that distinguished Roman magistrates from the ordinary citizens. The next two chapters deal with candidacy, campaigning for office and the criteria, that each candidate had to successfully fulfil to be voted into office. The...

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This dissertation argues that in two different genres, oratory and political philosophy, Cicero presents to the Roman elite a variety of possible motives for pursuing a political career, and advances his vision of legitimate political engagement. It challenges recent interpretations, first, by demonstrating how Ciceronian forensic rhetoric transcends judicial goals in pursuit of broader cultural and political aims (Chapter 1); second, by demonstrating that Cicero’s political philosophy advances a new form of elite engagement, informed by Greek ethical philosophy and contemplative pursuits (Chapters 2-4); and, third, by demonstrating that Cicero viewed philosophy as essential for rhetoric, not due to its instrumental value but as an ethical grounding for both personal behavior and public oratory (Chapter 4). The first chapter argues that in the Pro Sestio, Cicero uses the prospect of civic glory to motivate his listeners to defend the republic. The second chapter, in contrast, shows how Cicero’s first dialogue on political philosophy, the De Re Publica, downplays the motive of civic glory in favor of less mercenary motives drawn from Greek ethical philosophy, especially the attraction of virtue as its own reward. Cicero attempts to persuade his potentially resistant Roman audience, however, by adopting an initial pose of hostility towards philosophy and by putting philosophical ideas in the mouths of his Roman dialogical personae. The third chapter, on the Somnium Scipionis, argues that Cicero concludes the De Re Publica by employing the authority of Scipio to inspire his audience to study cosmology in order to acquire knowledge of the motives, ends, and means of political engagement; Scipio qualifies Laelius’s earlier argument about virtue, reevaluating it as a means to an eternal reward based on Platonic eschatology. The fourth chapter shows that in De Legibus 1, the character Marcus Cicero mounts two arguments for natural law in two different styles, one aimed at Atticus the intellectual and the other at Quintus the politician, suggesting two chief segments of his potential reading audience. Marcus concludes with an inspiring speech intended to show Atticus that philosophy demands engagement in politics and to convince Quintus that philosophic knowledge gives public oratory ethical grounding.

Dan-el Padilla Peralta beschäftigt sich in seiner vor allem in Stanford entstandenen und betreuten Dissertation mit den Religionen in der mittleren römischen Republik (begrenzt auf das 4. und 3.Jahrhundert v. Chr.) aus einer spezifischen Perspektive heraus: Es geht ihm vor allem um deren Rolle bei der Entwicklung römischer Staatlichkeit („statehood“). Wie er gleich in der Einleitung betont, sieht er eine relevante Beziehung zwischen religiösen Praktiken (und Bauten!) und der Verfestigung politischer Institutionen. Er verweist auf Fustel de Coulanges und spätere, die diese Verbindung schon betont haben, und hebt dann seine Ausgangsthese hervor: Bei den mittelrepublikanischen Transformationen kommt dem Bau von Tempeln eine besondere Bedeutung zu, so dass diese physische Seite religiöser Strukturen größere Aufmerksamkeit verdient (S. 9).

Since her first appearances, Venus has captivated the minds of poets. Her depictions in poetry are tied to each generation’s ideals of sexuality and beauty, and as morals and expectations of female behaviour change, so too do portrayals of the goddess. This thesis examines the shifting portrayals of Venus in poetry during a time of great social upheaval: the age of Augustus. The social and moral discourse of the period influenced the portrayals of Venus as the post-Civil War generation grappled with the newfound peace, a staunchly moralistic emperor who claimed descent from the goddess, and a series of legislations that reshaped the image of an ideal Roman woman. While the age of Augustus is overflowing with Latin poets, this thesis will dedicate itself to three: Vergil, Horace, and Ovid. Within their works, we can see the importance of the goddess’ portrayals and how their evolution can reflect Rome’s social, political, and moral climate. Vergil presents a transformed goddess, a morally upstanding mother who engages in the political and domestic spheres. Horace stands on the precipice of change, his Venus straddling the edges of elegy and epic. He recognizes and responds to a political, Augustan goddess before returning to more traditional elegiac matters. Our final source, Ovid, is seemingly traditional in his portrayals of the goddess. Closer examination of his works, however, reveals how Ovid’s Venus transformed from the traditional goddess of love and sexuality to become an empress in her own right. After the introduction of the lex Julia and Augustus’ portrayals of the goddess, the poets of his age used Venus as an exemplum of moral (or immoral) behaviour, motherhood, and dynastic pursuit.

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This thesis examines the motives, methods and successes of opposition to C. Julius Caesar in the period 60-50 leading to the outbreak of civil war in 49. An attempt has been made to distinguish between traditional and innovative methods of opposition. An evaluation of creativity levels and the social acceptability of actions has been conducted in an effort to understand adherence to moral standards in the pre-war period. In Chapter 2, opposition to Caesar in 60 and 59 is examined and found to be fierce, persistent and, despite Caesar ultimately achieving his aims, successful in a limited way. Chapter 3 examines the circumstances of 58-57. Caesar’s position was more firmly secured through the agency of Clodius’ tribunate, during which Cicero was exiled and Cato was removed from the political scene for both political and personal reasons. Examination of opposition to Caesar in Chapter 4 focuses on the period 56-54. It is demonstrated that prior to the conferences of Luca and Ravenna, opposition to Caesar was broadly undertaken by groups or individuals who fomented dissent between Crassus and Pompey in order to undermine the triumvirate as a whole. In 55 opposition to Caesar was nullified by a renewal of the triumvirate. In 54 opposition was resurgent and dominated the courts with limited success. In Chapter 5, opposition to Caesar in the period 53-50 is examined and is shown to be marked by anarchy, attempted reforms and the disintegration of the triumviral alliance. Given widespread impressions of pressure, corruption, violence and breakdown, especially in modern accounts of the period, it is suprising to discover that tactics used by Caesar’s opponents were traditional and socially acceptable for the most part, despite vehement political and personal disagreement. The will of the people was still respected by Caesar’s opponents; popular opinion in 59 was in fact the cause of opposition failure. While the Republic had suffered civil war in the opening decades of the first century BC, the state had resumed constitutional operation prior to 60. Traditional moral values and methods of gaining rank and prestige were still important and continued to be adhered to after 60. Methods of influence and social communication remained largely unchanged in the 50s, and ensured the continuity of political exchange without substantial innovation. From 56 to 54 opposition methods were opportunistic, a result of the renewal of the triumvirate. Caesar’s opponents continued to adhere to traditional political practice, despite dominance of the political machinary by the triumvirate. In 54 Caesar’s opponents gained control of the law courts, which resulted in numerous trials but no break with traditional or socially acceptable behaviour. Opposition between 53 and 50 remained traditional in most cases within an environment marked by anarchy and political stalemate, fueled by the intransigence of Caesar and Pompey who refused to recognise each others’ dignitas. The Civil War, then, was not caused by an extended period of constitutional instability. The Civil War was the result of political deadlock at the end of the 50s, motivated by the social and political inflexibility of a small group of Senators.