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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
31

The state of the political : conceptions of politics and the state in the thought of Max Weber, Carl Schmitt, and Franz Neumann /

Kelly, Duncan. January 1900 (has links)
Univ., Diss.--Sheffield, 2000. / Literaturverz. S. [309] - 353.
32

Leviathan Run Aground: Carl Schmitt's State Theory and Militant Democracy

Schupmann, Benjamin A. January 2015 (has links)
Can a constitution commit suicide? How should a liberal democratic state respond when social movements threaten war with one another and against the state itself? How should liberal democrats respond when extremist parties are strong enough to cooperate in parliament and obstruct essential legislation? Can an illiberal antidemocratic party legitimately obtain power through elections and then kick the ladder down by legally amending democracy and liberalism out of the constitution entirely? Beginning in 1929, theoretical questions like these suddenly became both practically and existentially relevant for Weimar Germany. The share of the vote Nazis and Communists received in elections swelled until, combined, they were the majority. Neither movement accepted the legitimacy of liberal democracy and both were explicit that their only goal in running for seats in parliament was to gain a strong enough majority to amend the Weimar Constitution out of existence. Until then, they cooperated across the aisle, so to speak, to constitute negative majorities and prevent the SPD, Zentrum, and other parties from being able to pass legislation to respond to the economic, social, and political crises Weimar faced. By 1932, the Nazis held a plurality. In January 1933, exhausted with alternatives, Hindenburg appointed Hitler Chancellor. This dissertation extrapolates Carl Schmitt's state theory and looks at how it was conceived in response to Weimar's legitimation crisis. It shows how Schmitt looks back to the tradition of state theory to address this crisis. In particular, it shows how he models his solution on Thomas Hobbes, whose Leviathan was also a response to civil war and the breakdown of political order. This dissertation argues Schmitt updates Hobbes' state theory to respond to the unique problems of the 20th century, especially modern mass democracy. Modern mass democracy was the product of universal suffrage, mass media, and advances in psychology. Disingenuous social movements exploited the media and whipped up an emotionally charged base, obtaining for themselves a veneer of democratic legitimacy and the means to parliament. Once in parliament, they exacerbated Weimar's crises and struggled against each another to advance their particular goals. Schmitt saw these conflicts as the 20th century equivalent of the Confessional Civil Wars and he saw himself as the 20th century Hobbes. He theorized ways to neutralize those conflicts and restore the state's sovereign authority. But, besides that, Schmitt thought these issues begged the basic question of constitutionalism: are there any objective limits to a goal "the people" want, even if 99 percent of citizens support that goal? Can "the people" legitimately be bound to the mast? Can democracy be tyrannical? Schmitt's peers, such as Hans Kelsen and Richard Thoma, answered in the negative and argued that there was no basis to deny a democratic will that had formed through proper procedures. Schmitt disagreed. He argued the constitution imposed hard limits on democracy. Through this answer, this dissertation argues Schmitt's state theory anticipated what is today known as militant democracy. Militant democracy is a type of liberal democratic constitution that guards against certain forms of popular sovereignty and prevents constitutional suicide. Its institutional mechanisms include the entrenchment of core constitutional principles, such as basic rights, and political bans on certain illiberal and antidemocratic parties. Although one finds militant democracy embedded in constitutions around the world today, it has been undertheorized. Because Schmitt's theory of militant democracy rests on his substantive state theory, this dissertation concludes he offers us a foundation for developing a normative theory of militant democracy - something invaluable for making sense of its legitimacy and its limits today.
33

Konterrevolution von links das Staats- und Gesellschaftsverständnis der "68er" und dessen Quellen bei Carl Schmitt

Landois, Leonard January 2007 (has links)
Zugl.: Würzburg, Univ., Diss., 2007
34

An inquiry concerning the world-picture: Kojv̈e, Schmitt and Strauss /

Erik, Sinan Can, January 1900 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 218-221). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.
35

The justice of the pieces : liberalism, democracy, and the globalization of the nation-state /

Mudde, Anna, January 2004 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2004. / Bibliography: leaves 103-107.
36

Pragmatismo contra normativismo: investigações sobre a teoria política de Carl Schmitt / Pragmatism against normatisvism: investigations on the theory of political in Carl Schmitt

Lima, Deyvison Rodrigues January 2011 (has links)
LIMA, Deyvison Rodrigues. Pragmatismo contra normativismo: investigações sobre a teoria política de Carl Schmitt. 2011. 200f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Filosofia, Fortaleza (CE), 2011. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-08T14:08:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011-DIS-DRLIMA.pdf: 1899323 bytes, checksum: d182f48dfd32289beb392fcc4e6cf417 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-08T14:56:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011-DIS-DRLIMA.pdf: 1899323 bytes, checksum: d182f48dfd32289beb392fcc4e6cf417 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-08T14:56:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011-DIS-DRLIMA.pdf: 1899323 bytes, checksum: d182f48dfd32289beb392fcc4e6cf417 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / This dissertation proposes the reconstruction of Schmitt’s thesis about the modern distinction between facticity and validity in the field of political theory. The purpose is to analyse the modern political paradigms – normative and realism – as a consequence of the problematic relationship between immediate and mediate in the political way. The hypothesis is (I) if on the one hand Schmitt’s political theory arises in opposition to the normative model, on the other it cannot be applied to the political realism – be it strong or weak – meaning an alternative theoretical proposal in the face of the rationalist mediation; therefore (II) it’s necessary to scrutinize what are the essential characteristics of the Schmittian project of restructuring of the political theory paradigm developed, generally speaking, in three distinct moments of the discussion: the first articulated by means of the notion of Entscheidung and later developed within the scope of the Theory of Exception; the second called political existentialism; and the third developed from the theory of nomos. The main findings of this research are the demonstration of Schmitt undertakes an attempt of reorganize the modern political paradigms in the face of the problem of the mediation between “being” and “ought to be”, and the possibility that the author developed the thesis of there is possible mediation, but only the immediateness of a legal force does not mediated by laws, in other words, a real and legal institutional fact between the universal and the particular by means of which needs no necessity of a normative theory of justification of law (legitimacy), for the Sein is even now, and first of all, a social reality mediated and constitued legally, hence, the legitimacy should be understood as historical and real demonstrating the cooriginality between “being” and “ought to be”, and, finally, solving the mediate/immediate paradox by means to a political pragmatism. / A presente dissertação tem como proposta a reconstrução das teses de Schmitt acerca da distinção moderna entre facticidade e validade em teoria política. O objetivo deste estudo é analisar os paradigmas políticos modernos – normativismo e realismo – como consequência do problema da relação entre imediatidade e mediatidade da forma política. A hipótese de trabalho desta pesquisa é, afinal, a investigação de que, por um lado, (I) se a teoria política de Schmitt se configura em contraposição ao modelo normativista, por outro, não se adequa ao paradigma do realismo político – seja realismo fraco seja realismo forte –, representando uma proposta teórica alternativa diante do problema da mediação racionalista; assim, (II) torna-se necessário perscrutar quais as características fundamentais do projeto schmittiano de reestruturação do paradigma da teoria política desenvolvido, de forma geral, em três momentos distintos na sua reflexão: o primeiro articulado através da noção de Entscheidung e, posteriormente, trabalhado no âmbito de uma teoria da exceção; o segundo momento denominado de existencialismo político; e o terceiro momento, desenvolvido a partir da teoria do nomos. Os resultados principais desta dissertação são a demonstração de que Schmitt empreendeu uma tentativa de reestruturação dos paradigmas políticos da modernidade diante do problema da mediação entre ser e dever-ser e, enfim, a indicação de que o autor desenvolveu a tese de que não há mediação possível, mas apenas a imediatidade de uma força jurídica não mediada por leis, ou seja, um fato institucional concreto e ordenativo entre o universal e o particular através do qual dispensa a necessidade de uma teoria normativa da justificação da ordem (legitimidade), pois o Sein é, antes de qualquer coisa, realidade social mediada e constituída juridicamente, por isso, a legitimidade deve ser compreendida como histórica e concreta demonstrando a co-originariedade entre ser e dever-ser e, assim, solucionando o paradoxo mediação/imediação através da proprosta do pragmatismo político.
37

La convocatoria del poder constituyente originario desde la Constitución de 1980

Catalán Michell, Roberto Alexis January 2018 (has links)
Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / La presente tesis muestra un camino posible para la configuración del Poder Constituyente Originario en el contexto democrático del Chile actual. Para lo cual, se recurre a las Actas de las sesiones de La Comisión de Estudios de la Nueva Constitución Política de la República de Chile, en donde quedaría plasmada la visión de constituir a la nueva institución del presidente de la República como el conductor de la vida nacional en diversos plano, uno de ellos, el plano social. Para lograr aquel objetivo, se establecería la ampliación de la potestad presidencial por intermedio del Reglamento Autónomo, el cual pasaría a comprender todas aquellas materias que no son propias del dominio legal. Es esa nueva configuración de la autoridad presidencial y la concepción doctrinaria del Poder Constituyente, lo que permitiría crear un nexo entre ambas figuras. Y donde las concepciones doctrinarias mismas del Poder Constituyente desde su vertiente democrática, permiten configurar una serie de criterios para un uso no arbitrario de una atribución que bien podría de desembocar en autoritarismos, como bien lo enseña nuestra historia nacional. Junto a aquel análisis doctrinario, se efectúa una serie de referencia a análisis político de la actual situación democrática que viviría el país, y un análisis de las reales posibilidades de materialización de la tesis aquí propuesta
38

Fujimori, la crisis de los rehenes del MRTA y la distinción amigo-enemigo : La conducta presidencial y la operación militar Chavín de Huántar, bajo la perspectiva conservadora de Carl Schmitt

Potestá Zapata, Orazio Marcelo 22 May 2018 (has links)
Esta tesis relaciona la conducta antagónica que el presidente Alberto Fujimori mantuvo con el MRTA durante la crisis de los rehenes, ocurrida entre el 17 de diciembre de 1996 y el 22 de abril de 1997, con algunos conceptos conservadores del jurista y filósofo alemán Carl Schmitt, particularmente el de la distinción amigo-enemigo. Si bien Fujimori no fue precisamente cultor de las ideas schmittianas, sí lo fueron muchos de sus colaboradores en el poder, entre políticos, militares y miembros de los servicios de inteligencia. El desconocimiento de Fujimori no sería una desventaja: según Julien Freund, la decisión del gobernante y la distinción amigo-enemigo de Schmitt se miden por sus resultados. Fujimori entorpeció la labor de los garantes y de los organismos nacionales e internacionales que apostaban por una solución pacífica. Además, ideó operativos armados que no se ejecutaron, construyó los túneles que después posibilitaron el rescate y hostigó militarmente al MRTA, antes de formalizar el diálogo con los emerretistas. El MRTA era un enemigo al que había que derrotar y eliminar, y no un equivalente con el que se podía dialogar o negociar. Las acciones de Fujimori tejieron un tropismo hacia la solución violenta, y eso quedó evidenciado públicamente. Este trabajo se justifica en la trascendencia histórica y política del suceso, y porque en el Perú, las acciones militares siempre son debatidas bajo perspectivas liberales y no conservadoras. Metodológicamente se recurrió a la revisión histórica de prensa y literatura referidas al secuestro, y también a entrevistas a politólogos y juristas, con el fin de identificar rasgos schmittianos en las acciones que Fujimori desarrolló contra el MRTA. Basado en la distinción amigo-enemigo de Schmitt, podría decirse que la enemistad entre el Estado y el MRTA se fue agravando con el tiempo, y que el punto más alto de esa conflictividad fue la operación militar Chavín de Huántar, diseñada desde Palacio de Gobierno con la orden de no dejar sobrevivientes. Esta tesis sostiene que el gobierno (o Fujimori) jamás deseó una salida pacífica, sino la eliminación total del enemigo. Dentro de esa lógica, la ejecución extrajudicial de emerretistas rendidos es perfectamente posible, tal como determinaron investigaciones del Ministerio Público y de la policía. Ciertamente, el pensamiento schmittiano podría justificar una decisión tan radical como esa, siempre y cuando el soldado que tomó la decisión de jalar el gatillo haya afrontado un contexto excepcional de apremio y de peligro que pusiera en riesgo su vida, la de sus compañeros o la de los objetivos del rescate. / Tesis
39

Do político à segurança e de volta outra vez: Carl Schmitt nos estudos críticos de segurança

Campos, Rodrigo Duque Estrada 19 April 2017 (has links)
Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-29T19:33:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Duque Estrada Campos.pdf: 1420665 bytes, checksum: 326b11838022c4c903158ca076b460d6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-29T19:33:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Duque Estrada Campos.pdf: 1420665 bytes, checksum: 326b11838022c4c903158ca076b460d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation thesis analyses the process of intellectual reception of Carl Schmitt in Critical Security Studies. Drawing upon the methodological discussion on the history of ideas, we question the typical bifurcation between textualism and contextualism as univocal principles of interpretation of the meaning of texts. Relevant to our analysis is not only to identify what the controversial German jurist really meant to say in his texts, but that its meaning is also conditioned by the use that is made out of it, of what one can make Schmitt “say” concerning the reception of his thought. What have been the uses of Carl Schmitt in Critical Security Studies and what structure of presuppositions and interests condition the social reading of the thinker in the area? To answer such questions, the first chapter offers a brief introduction to Schmitt’s thought, with a special attention to his “international” thinking. The second chapter analyses the first reception venue of Schmitt in Critical Security Studies, where it developed a negative hermeneutics in the debates about securitization theory and the normative need to depart from the ‘Schmittean logic’ of security; the second chapter analyses the second reception venue, which involves the critique to a universal and intrinsic concept of security. To the authors of this line of interpretation, the critique of Schmitt’s theoretical framework on sovereign decisionism and the concept of the political would allow to shift the fixed grammar of security towards a more progressive and emancipative terms; the last chapter analyses the individual appropriation of Schmitt by Andreas Behnke, who developed the last reception venue until the present moment. Escaping the negative hermeneutics, Behnke builds a new Schmittean analytical framework for security, which expands on Schmitt’s bibliographical horizon and criticizes the predominantly liberal premises of Critical Security Studies / A dissertação analisa o processo de recepção de Carl Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança. Com base na discussão metodológica da história das ideias, problematizamos a bifurcação típica entre textualismo e contextualismo como princípiosunívocosde interpretação do significado dos textos. Relevante para nossa análise não é identificar apenas o que o controverso jurista alemão realmente quis dizer em seus textos, mas ofato de que o significado de suaobra está também condicionado ao uso que se faz dela, e do que se pode fazê-la“falar” com base na recepção do pensamentode Schmitt. Quais os usos de Carl Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança e que estruturas de pressuposições e interesses condicionam a leitura do pensador na área? Para responder tal pergunta, o primeiro capítulo oferece uma breve introdução ao pensamento de Schmitt, com especial atenção ao seu ‘pensamento internacional’. O segundo capítulo analisa a primeira via de recepção de Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança, onde se construiu uma hermenêutica negativa no âmbito dos debates sobre a teoria da securitização e a necessidade normativa de se afastar da “lógica schmitteana” da segurança; o terceiro capítulo analisa a segunda via de recepção de Schmitt, que envolve críticas a uma concepção universal e intrínseca da segurança. Para os autores desta linha interpretativa, a crítica ao arcabouço teórico de Schmitt sobre o decisionismo soberano e o conceito do político permitiria deslocar a gramática fixa da segurança em termos mais progressistas e emancipadores; o último capítulo analisa a apropriação individual de Andreas Behnke da obra de Schmitt, que constitui a última via derecepção (até o presente momento) do autor nos ECS. Fugindo da hermenêutica negativa, Behnke critica o que considera a leitura reducionistade Schmitt nos ECS e constrói um novo marco analítico schmitteano da segurança, que expande o lequebibliográfico de Schmitt e critica as premissas liberais da maior parte dos ECS
40

Politische Theologie in der griechisch-orthodoxen Kirche /

Kisoudis, Dimitrios. January 2007 (has links)
Zugl.: Freiburg (Breisgau), Universiẗat, Magisterarbeit, 2007.

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