Nesta dissertação, partiu-se da herança da tradição cristã do direito de guerra justa a fim de compreender as modulações experimentadas pelo conceito quando de sua aplicação, na legislação castelhana, aos processos de conquista e colonização das Índias Ocidentais de 1492 a 1573. Tendo em conta a polêmica instaurada com a dúvida acerca da legitimidade da conquista, foram consideradas as posições de alguns dos mais influentes teólogos, juristas, conquistadores e administradores coloniais. Deu-se especial atenção ao pensamento de Francisco de Vitoria e Domingo de Soto, os maiores expoentes da Escola de Salamanca, em razão do debate historiográfico pendente na direção da coadunação entre a doctrina communis apresentada por eles quanto à guerra e as normas de Castela. Observou-se que, durante quase todo o período analisado, o teor da legislação pressupôs a inferioridade dos nativos, bem como uma interpretação teocrático-pontifical das bulas papais de 1493. O rol de causas disparadoras da guerra se mostrou variável, conforme o texto e a circunstância, abarcando imperativos de defesa, castigo, conversão, vingança, domínio e civilização. / In this thesis, the heritage of the Christian tradition of just war was considered in order to understand the modulation experienced by the concept upon its application, in Castilian legislation, to the processes of conquest and colonization of the West Indies from 1492 to 1573. Taking into account the controversy brought with the doubt concerning the legitimacy of the conquest, the positions of some of the most influential theologians, jurists, conquerors and colonial administrators were analyzed. Special attention was provided to the thought of Francisco de Vitoria and Domingo de Soto, the greatest exponents of the School of Salamanca, given the pending historiographical debate toward coadunition between their doctrina communis about war and the rules of Castile. It was observed that, during most of the period studied, the content of the legislation assumed the inferiority of the natives, as well as a theocratic-pontifical interpretation of the papal bulls of 1493. The list of triggering causes of war was variable, according to the text and the circumstance, covering defense, punishment, conversion, revenge, domination and civilization imperatives.

Nesta dissertação, partiu-se da herança da tradição cristã do direito de guerra justa a fim de compreender as modulações experimentadas pelo conceito quando de sua aplicação, na legislação castelhana, aos processos de conquista e colonização das Índias Ocidentais de 1492 a 1573. Tendo em conta a polêmica instaurada com a dúvida acerca da legitimidade da conquista, foram consideradas as posições de alguns dos mais influentes teólogos, juristas, conquistadores e administradores coloniais. Deu-se especial atenção ao pensamento de Francisco de Vitoria e Domingo de Soto, os maiores expoentes da Escola de Salamanca, em razão do debate historiográfico pendente na direção da coadunação entre a doctrina communis apresentada por eles quanto à guerra e as normas de Castela. Observou-se que, durante quase todo o período analisado, o teor da legislação pressupôs a inferioridade dos nativos, bem como uma interpretação teocrático-pontifical das bulas papais de 1493. O rol de causas disparadoras da guerra se mostrou variável, conforme o texto e a circunstância, abarcando imperativos de defesa, castigo, conversão, vingança, domínio e civilização. / In this thesis, the heritage of the Christian tradition of just war was considered in order to understand the modulation experienced by the concept upon its application, in Castilian legislation, to the processes of conquest and colonization of the West Indies from 1492 to 1573. Taking into account the controversy brought with the doubt concerning the legitimacy of the conquest, the positions of some of the most influential theologians, jurists, conquerors and colonial administrators were analyzed. Special attention was provided to the thought of Francisco de Vitoria and Domingo de Soto, the greatest exponents of the School of Salamanca, given the pending historiographical debate toward coadunition between their doctrina communis about war and the rules of Castile. It was observed that, during most of the period studied, the content of the legislation assumed the inferiority of the natives, as well as a theocratic-pontifical interpretation of the papal bulls of 1493. The list of triggering causes of war was variable, according to the text and the circumstance, covering defense, punishment, conversion, revenge, domination and civilization imperatives.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.