Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2019-03-13T16:37:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jezreel Antonio Mello_.pdf: 883244 bytes, checksum: 0f99a54fe4e85f9d0bf75f62a017c95e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-13T16:37:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jezreel Antonio Mello_.pdf: 883244 bytes, checksum: 0f99a54fe4e85f9d0bf75f62a017c95e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-10-30 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação se propõe a analisar se, na teoria da soberania de Jean Bodin, é possível identificar a existência de limitações à ação daquele que exerce a soberania em uma República. A partir da resposta a essa questão, procura-se investigar se há ou não coerência no conceito de soberania apresentado por Bodin, fundamentando-se na análise de perspectivas divergentes a esse respeito. Nesse sentido, três posicionamentos podem ser destacados entre os comentadores de Bodin. O primeiro inclui os defensores da tese que aponta uma contradição no pensamento de Bodin, uma vez que este defende uma soberania absoluta, porém não ilimitada. Numa segunda perspectiva se encontram os defensores da tese conciliadora, que sustenta a coerência da concepção de soberania bodiniana. Há também uma terceira via, composta por aqueles comentadores que defendem uma posição mista, no sentido de uma coerência parcial do conceito de soberania de Bodin. Para empreender essa pesquisa, proceder-se-á, inicialmente, a uma análise dos limites da soberania na teoria da soberania de Bodin, partindo-se de alguns conceitos-chave para a compreensão do conceito de soberania do autor, até a exposição e análise dos limites estabelecidos por Bodin ao exercício do poder soberano. Por fim, será feita uma exposição crítica desses limites, abordando os posicionamentos opostos dos comentadores que defendem a coerência ou a contradição no pensamento de Bodin, e expondo alguns elementos que poderiam indicar uma leitura conciliatória das ideias apresentadas. / The present dissertation aims to analyze if, in Jean Bodin’s theory of sovereignty, it is possible to identify the existence of limitations to the acts of that who holds the sovereignty in a Republic. As of the answer to this question, we will try to establish whether or not the concept of sovereignty presented by Bodin is coherent, based on the analysis of divergent perspectives in this regard. In this sense, three perspectives can be highlighted among Bodin's commentators. The first includes proponents of the thesis that points to a contradiction in Bodin's thinking, since he advocates for an absolute but not unlimited concept of sovereignty. In a second perspective are the proponents of the conciliatory thesis, which asserts the coherence of Bodin’s concept of sovereignty. There is also a third way, comprised by those commentators who defend a mixed position, which affirms the partial coherence of Bodin's concept of sovereignty. To undertake this research, we will initially analyze the limits of sovereignty in Bodin's theory of sovereignty, starting with some key concepts for the understanding of the author’s concept of sovereignty, then proceeding to the exposition and review of the limits established by Bodin to the exercise of sovereign power. Finally, a critical exposition of these limits will be made, addressing the opposing positions of the commentators who defend the coherence and the contradiction in Bodin's thought, and exposing some elements that could lead to a conciliatory reading of the presented ideas.

Notre thèse étudie comment les réflexions sur l’histoire et l’historiographie, que Montaigne élabore en dialoguant avec les lieux communs antiques et humanistes ainsi qu’avec des nouvelles théories historiques avancées par les historiens juristes français de son époque – à commencer par Jean Bodin, auteur de la Méthode de l’histoire –, débordent leur domaine originel et servent à approfondir ses réflexions sur divers autres thèmes. Après avoir précisé le passage de l’« art d’écrire l’histoire » à l’« art de lire les histoires » qui s’est développé chez les historiens juristes français du XVIe siècle et au sein duquel Montaigne élabore sa propre façon de lire les histoires en soulignant pour sa part la liberté et la spontanéité du lecteur (première partie), nous tentons d’abord de montrer qu’il surmonte l’incertitude épistémologique de l’histoire humaine en distinguant nettement le « croyable » du « possible » et en construisant un système de connaissance fondée uniquement sur la « foi » qu’échangent les témoins, les historiens et leur lecteur (seconde partie) ; ensuite, nous examinons la manière dont il bouleverse la notion et la pratique de l’exemplum historique sur le plan tant discursif que didactique, et revendique les exempla tirés de sa propre vie, tout en reconnaissant leur imperfection (troisième partie) ; enfin, au niveau de l’écriture, nous constatons non seulement qu’il représente son expérience personnelle dans l’histoire en contaminant volontairement le passé avec le présent, mais aussi qu’il s’inspire des historiens – notamment des historiens parlant de leurs propres gestes – pour justifier son écriture de soi-même (quatrième partie). Compte tenu du contexte culturel et intellectuel de la Renaissance, nous mettons ainsi en lumière la sensibilité et les connaissances profondes qu’avait Montaigne des débats contemporains concernant l’histoire et l’historiographie, et montrons que ses réflexions sur l’histoire alimentent celles sur les questions épistémologiques, morales et littéraires dans les Essais. / Our thesis studies how the reflections of Montaigne on the history and the historiography, which he developed in engaging a dialogue with ancient and humanist commonplaces as well as with new historical theories advanced by French jurist historians of his time – such as Jean Bodin, author of the Method of history –, overflow from their original domain and help to deepen his reflections on various themes in the Essays. After having specified the shift from the "art to write a history" to the "art to read histories" that took place among the French jurist historians of the 16th century, and following which Montaigne elaborates his own way of reading histories on emphasizing, for his part, the reader’s liberty and spontaneity (the First Part), we first try to show that he surmounts the epistemological uncertainty of the human history by distinguishing clearly "unbelievable" from "possible" and by building a knowledge system based solely on the "faith" exchanged by witnesses, historians and their readers (the Second Part); then, we examine how he disrupts the notion and the practice of historical exemplum both in a discursive way and in a didactic way, reevaluate the exempla drawn from his own life in spite of recognizing their imperfection (the Third Part); finally, to the level of the writing, we not only see that Montaigne represents his personal experience within history on voluntarily contaminating the past with the present, but also that he is inspired by some historians – especially the historians talking about their own actions – for justifying his writing about himself (the Fourth Part). Considering the cultural and intellectual context of the Renaissance, we bring thus to light the sensitivity and the deep knowledge of Montaigne concerning the contemporary debates about the history and the historiography, and show that his reflections on history nourish the epistemological, moral and literary questions in the Essays.

Este trabalho pretende oferecer uma análise crítica da Demonomania das Feiticeiras, escrita pelo famoso jurista francês Jean Bodin no final do século XVI. Por intermédio da perspectiva histórico-religiosa, desenvolvida pelos expoentes da Escola Italiana de História das Religiões, procurar-se-á estudar algumas categorias conceituais que fundamentaram a escrita da obra, tendo em vista o complexo contexto em que foi escrita. Para tanto, observar-se-á a influência das Guerras de Religião que assolaram a França no percurso intelectual de Bodin, a decorrência da caça às bruxas enquanto fenômeno cultural e religioso e uma análise geral da carreira e da obra bodiniana, de modo a buscarmos o afinamento de nossos instrumentos interpretativos e, com isso, melhor compreendermos a Demonomania no contexto de sua realização e, ao mesmo passo, o conjunto da obra de seu autor. / This study intends to do a critical analysis of the Demon-mania of the Sorcerers, written by the famous French jurist Jean Bodin by the end of the XVI century. Through the historical-religious perspective developed by the Italian School of History of Religions, it will be sought to study some of the conceptual categories which gave the Demon-manias writing its foundation, having in mind the complex context in which it was written. In order to achieve this, the influence of the French Religion Wars on the intellectual course of Bodin, the witch-hunt as a cultural and religious phenomenon and a general analysis of the authors career and his works shall be taken into consideration, while we reach for an improvement of our interpretative instruments and, with that, a better understanding of the Demon-mania in its context and, at the same time, in the interior of the whole of Bodins writings.

Este trabalho pretende oferecer uma análise crítica da Demonomania das Feiticeiras, escrita pelo famoso jurista francês Jean Bodin no final do século XVI. Por intermédio da perspectiva histórico-religiosa, desenvolvida pelos expoentes da Escola Italiana de História das Religiões, procurar-se-á estudar algumas categorias conceituais que fundamentaram a escrita da obra, tendo em vista o complexo contexto em que foi escrita. Para tanto, observar-se-á a influência das Guerras de Religião que assolaram a França no percurso intelectual de Bodin, a decorrência da caça às bruxas enquanto fenômeno cultural e religioso e uma análise geral da carreira e da obra bodiniana, de modo a buscarmos o afinamento de nossos instrumentos interpretativos e, com isso, melhor compreendermos a Demonomania no contexto de sua realização e, ao mesmo passo, o conjunto da obra de seu autor. / This study intends to do a critical analysis of the Demon-mania of the Sorcerers, written by the famous French jurist Jean Bodin by the end of the XVI century. Through the historical-religious perspective developed by the Italian School of History of Religions, it will be sought to study some of the conceptual categories which gave the Demon-manias writing its foundation, having in mind the complex context in which it was written. In order to achieve this, the influence of the French Religion Wars on the intellectual course of Bodin, the witch-hunt as a cultural and religious phenomenon and a general analysis of the authors career and his works shall be taken into consideration, while we reach for an improvement of our interpretative instruments and, with that, a better understanding of the Demon-mania in its context and, at the same time, in the interior of the whole of Bodins writings.

Also issued as thesis, Paris, 1933. / [Full name: Jean Louis Marie Joseph Moreau-Reibel]. Bibliography: p. [ix]-xii.

Texte remanié de : Thèse de doctorat : Philosophie politique : Copenhague : 1996. / Bibliogr. p. 177-183.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.