Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-163). Also available in print.

Dans cette thèse a été analysée la relation triangulaire entre le monde politique, l’armée et les médias autour de laquestion particulièrement sensible et controversée de la relation entre la morale et la raison d’Etat. Dans une sociétémondialisée qui a vu émerger une conscience universelle, ces trois acteurs doivent en effet de plus en plus coopérer,bien qu'ils poursuivent des aspirations souvent divergentes. Aux yeux du Politique, par-delà toute autre considération, les intérêts dits « supérieurs de la nation » peuvent primer sur la règle morale. Les impératifs liés à la défense et la sécurité nationale justifient l’existence d’un encadrement juridique dérogatoire au droit commun qui permet au pouvoir exécutif de garder secrètes des informations aux pouvoirs législatif et judiciaire. Les stratégies de défense prises au niveau politique ont des implications directes pour les unités combattantes déployées à l’extérieur du territoire national à qui on demande d’agir conformément aux règles de droit et à l’éthique. Dans une société de l’information, la gestion de la guerre implique également le monde de la presse, pour qui la transparence doit primer. L’équilibre de la relation entre ces acteurs peut être considéré comme un enjeu de la société contemporaine. C’est d’autant plus vrai que les attentes des populations occidentales en matière de morale et d’information sont aujourd’hui particulièrement fortes. Celles-ci sont par ailleurs en demande de sécurité, ce qui peut apparaître comme un paradoxe. Parvenir à une harmonie entre les droits fondamentaux que sont la liberté et la sûreté doit dès lors constituer un axe prioritaire dans la préservation d’un Etat de droit. / In this PhD, we have analysed the triangular relationship between the political world, the army and the media around the very sensitive and controversial issue of morale and reason of State. In a globalized society, which has seen the emergence of a universal consciousness, these three actors must indeed cooperate more and more, although they often pursue divergent goals. In the eyes of the politics, before every other consideration, the so called ‘Superior interests of the nation’ can override moral rules. Imperatives linked to defense and national security justify the existence of a legal framework contrary to common law, which allows the executive power to keep information secret from judicial and legislative powers. In the information society, war management also involvesthe media world, for which transparency should prevail. This is particularly the case since the expectations of occidental populations in terms of morale and information are very strong nowadays. At the same time, theseask for more security, which might appear as a paradox. Ensure harmony between these two fundamental rights, i.e. freedom and security, must thus constitute a priority axis in order to preserve the rule of law.

Official statistics provide us with some of our most important insights into crime and the criminal justice system. Sociologists, however, have generally not examined the institutions which produce these statistics. "Making Crime Count" addresses this lacuna through a study of the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics (CCJS), which is Canada's sole source for national criminal justice statistics. To do so it employs a methodological combination of focused interviews, participant observation and documentary analysis. The availability of criminal justice statistics has fostered a distinctive approach to the governance of crime and criminal justice. A form of 'actuarial justice' has emerged whereby crime is increasingly understood as a statistical probability rather than a moral failing. At the same time, criminal justice statistics render criminal justice organizations amenable to governmental strategies that aim to manage the system. To examine the means by which the Centre has been able to produce its statistics, I draw from contemporary work in the sociology of science which emphasizes the role of complex knowledge networks in the production of scientific facts. Within the Centre's 'knowledge network' assorted elements and institutions must be aligned. We document the ways in which the CCJS is in continual negotiation with the police in order to secure data for the 'uniform crime report' survey. The Centre's controversial 1990 proposal to collect race/crime data is also explored as an example of the power and politics of official classifications. Although the Centre must maintain the appearance of being apolitical, they are occasionally engaged in micro- political negotiations in order to produce their statistics. We document the role that different jurisdictions play in shaping the Centre's knowledge production regime. Once their statistics are collected, there can be negotiations over how they should be publicized. The style of presentation employed by the CCJS is ultimately influenced by organizational constraints, audience considerations and epistemic concerns. The overall results of this research underline the importance for authors writing on 'governmentality' to consider the means through which governmental knowledge is produced.

Orientador: João Carlos Kfouri Quartim de Moraes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T08:47:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jacaranda_RodolfodeFreitas_M.pdf: 2914724 bytes, checksum: 334c58462f48cd5e087d89dcd906adb5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: A idéia de razão de Estado foi, durante um século e meio, entre o século XVI e o XVII, um tema que exerceu grande influência no pensamento político moderno. Difícil de resumir em apenas um conceito, a razão de Estado foi utilizada para definir a capacidade de o poder soberano subtrair-se às obrigações e limites impostos pelas regras do direito ordinário para defender a ordem pública em casos de grave ameaça. A presente tese é uma pesquisa exploratória que visa a reconstruir os parâmetros das discussões que colocaram a razão de Estado no cerne do surgimento do próprio Estado. Proposta nos termos modernos que conhecemos por pensadores italianos do quinhentos, a razão de Estado tornou-se, por associações muito originais, sinônimo do pensamento de Maquiavel. Extrapolando a obra de Maquiavel, contudo, os principais teóricos da razão de Estado foram co-responsáveis por engendrar o vocabulário político da fundação do Estado na modernidade, e os elementos e técnicas que surgiram nos intensos debates decorrentes dos conflitos da época contribuíram para aprimorar as estruturas governamentais então em construção. A literatura franca e aberta da razão de Estado começou a declinar na segunda metade do século XVII, e os institutos que marcaram sua existência foram apropriados pela filosofia política normativa e pelos juristas pré-iluministas. Técnicas como a simulação e a dissimulação, o segredo, a necessidade, a crueldade e a mentira foram proscritas ou reconfiguradas segundo novos códigos de justificação do poder. Não é incomum encontrar referências ao fato de que as práticas da razão de Estado fazem parte de um passado do qual já nos livramos. Baseada na obra de pensadores contemporâneos como Michael Stolleis, Gianfranco Borrelli, Michel de Senellart, Yves Charles Zarka, Michel Foucault e Giorgio Agamben a presente tese demonstra como o desafio de pensar a sobrevivência das práticas da razão de Estado nos modelos políticos atuais corresponde ao próprio desafio, moderno por excelência, de entender a natureza do Estado e o modo como pensamos e agimos em nossa relação com o poder soberano. / Abstract: The idea of 'reason of State' was during one and a half century, between the XVI and the XVII, a theme of profound influence over modern political thought. Difficult to summarize in only one concept, the reason of State was used to define the ability of the sovereign power to break out from the obligations and limits imposed by the ordinary rules so as to defend the public order in situations of serious threat. The present work is an exploratory research that aims to rebuild the parameters of the discussions that set the reason of State in the core of the birth of the State itself. Put in the modern terms that we know from 1500s' Italian thinkers, the reason of State became, through very original associations, a synonym of Machiavelli's thought. Not restricted to Machiavelli's work, however, reason of State's main thinkers were co-responsible for creating the political vocabulary of the State's foundation in the modern age, and the elements and techniques that had appeared amidst the intense debates of the conflicts of their time contributed to improve the governmental structures then in construction. Open and direct literature about the reason of State began to decline in the second half of the 17th century, and the institutions that marked its existence were appropriated by prescriptive political philosophy and by Enlightenment jurists. Techniques like simulation and dissimulation, secret, necessity, cruelty and lie were proscribed or re-shaped according to new ways to justify power. Nowadays it is not unlikely to find references to the fact that the practices of the reason of State are part of a past already left behind. Based on the work of contemporary thinkers like Michael Stolleis, Gianfranco Borrelli, Michel de Senellart, Yves Charles Zarka, Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben, the present work shows how the challenge of finding evidence of the surviving practices of the reason of State in current political models corresponds to the very challenge, modern on its own, of understanding the State's nature and the way people think and act in their relationship with the sovereign power. / Mestrado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia

Official statistics provide us with some of our most important insights into crime and the criminal justice system. Sociologists, however, have generally not examined the institutions which produce these statistics. "Making Crime Count" addresses this lacuna through a study of the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics (CCJS), which is Canada's sole source for national criminal justice statistics. To do so it employs a methodological combination of focused interviews, participant observation and documentary analysis. The availability of criminal justice statistics has fostered a distinctive approach to the governance of crime and criminal justice. A form of 'actuarial justice' has emerged whereby crime is increasingly understood as a statistical probability rather than a moral failing. At the same time, criminal justice statistics render criminal justice organizations amenable to governmental strategies that aim to manage the system. To examine the means by which the Centre has been able to produce its statistics, I draw from contemporary work in the sociology of science which emphasizes the role of complex knowledge networks in the production of scientific facts. Within the Centre's 'knowledge network' assorted elements and institutions must be aligned. We document the ways in which the CCJS is in continual negotiation with the police in order to secure data for the 'uniform crime report' survey. The Centre's controversial 1990 proposal to collect race/crime data is also explored as an example of the power and politics of official classifications. Although the Centre must maintain the appearance of being apolitical, they are occasionally engaged in micro- political negotiations in order to produce their statistics. We document the role that different jurisdictions play in shaping the Centre's knowledge production regime. Once their statistics are collected, there can be negotiations over how they should be publicized. The style of presentation employed by the CCJS is ultimately influenced by organizational constraints, audience considerations and epistemic concerns. The overall results of this research underline the importance for authors writing on 'governmentality' to consider the means through which governmental knowledge is produced. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Esta pesquisa visa analisar a teoria dos golpes de Estado de Gabriel Naudé, um dos principais tratadistas da razão de Estado do século XVII. Através da leitura de Considérations politiques sur les coups dÉtat (1639), obra magna do autor, busca-se encontrar não apenas a base conceitual desse texto, mas inclusive identificar os percursos teóricos que deságuam nos escritos de Naudé. Por meio desta investigação é possível notar a noção de prudência como grande sustentáculo da referida teoria dos golpes de Estado, essencialmente influenciada pelas obras de Justo Lípsio e Pierre Charron. A partir daí, busca-se desconstruir a prudência naudeana para nela apontar o peso das idéias dos escritores mencionados, o que também permite demonstrar a existência de outras referências à razão de Estado da época, que não Nicolau Maquiavel. / This research aims to analyze Gabriel Naudés theory of the coups détat , one of the main authors of reason of State on the 17th Century. Interpreting Naudés magnum opus, Considérations politiques sur les coups dÉtat (1639), I intend to explore not only his conceptual basis but the theoretical tendencies leading to his writings. Through this investigation it is possible to deem prudence as the major supporting notion of the theory of the coups détat, which was essentially influenced by the works of Justus Lipsius and Pierre Charron. Thence, I intend to deconstruct Naudés notion of prudence in order to point out the weigh of Lipsius and Charrons ideas on his work, showing the existence of other references in the formulation of the reason of State on this epoch, besides Niccolo Machiavelli.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2017-05-18T12:22:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Bruno Silva de Souza.pdf: 597169 bytes, checksum: 673fbe11f321d737d659d58670ebebdb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-18T12:22:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Bruno Silva de Souza.pdf: 597169 bytes, checksum: 673fbe11f321d737d659d58670ebebdb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-01 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This study aims to reflect about the Iberians formulations concerning the royal power, stressing the unsuitable nature of the absolutism notion to characterize the question of power in the Iberian anci?n r?gime. Starting from the analysis of the ?good reason of State? doctrine, an alternative formulation against the Machiavellian thought, we intends to point the elements that restrains the sovereignty exercises for the King, especially the role played by the catholic religion in the Iberian political thought in 17 th century. / Esta trabalho pretende refletir sobre as formula??es ib?ricas concernentes ao poder r?gio, enfatizando a inadequa??o da no??o de Absolutismo para caracterizar a quest?o do poder no Antigo Regime ib?rico. Partindo da an?lise da doutrina da buena raz?n de Estado, formula??o alternativa e oposta ao pensamento de Maquiavel, procura-se apontar os elementos de limita??o do exerc?cio da soberania r?gia, especialmente o papel da religi?o cat?lica no pensamento pol?tico ib?rico do s?culo XVII.

Univ., Diss.--Tübingen, 2002. / Literaturverz. S. [449] - 529.

Esta pesquisa visa analisar a teoria dos golpes de Estado de Gabriel Naudé, um dos principais tratadistas da razão de Estado do século XVII. Através da leitura de Considérations politiques sur les coups dÉtat (1639), obra magna do autor, busca-se encontrar não apenas a base conceitual desse texto, mas inclusive identificar os percursos teóricos que deságuam nos escritos de Naudé. Por meio desta investigação é possível notar a noção de prudência como grande sustentáculo da referida teoria dos golpes de Estado, essencialmente influenciada pelas obras de Justo Lípsio e Pierre Charron. A partir daí, busca-se desconstruir a prudência naudeana para nela apontar o peso das idéias dos escritores mencionados, o que também permite demonstrar a existência de outras referências à razão de Estado da época, que não Nicolau Maquiavel. / This research aims to analyze Gabriel Naudés theory of the coups détat , one of the main authors of reason of State on the 17th Century. Interpreting Naudés magnum opus, Considérations politiques sur les coups dÉtat (1639), I intend to explore not only his conceptual basis but the theoretical tendencies leading to his writings. Through this investigation it is possible to deem prudence as the major supporting notion of the theory of the coups détat, which was essentially influenced by the works of Justus Lipsius and Pierre Charron. Thence, I intend to deconstruct Naudés notion of prudence in order to point out the weigh of Lipsius and Charrons ideas on his work, showing the existence of other references in the formulation of the reason of State on this epoch, besides Niccolo Machiavelli.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:13:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Arias Fogliano de Souza Cunha.pdf: 794570 bytes, checksum: 98b40bff7617c142ad5b4a0b8646ae85 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-15 / Intellectual property and its relation with the field of communication is the subject of this research. It is commonly accepted that intellectual property is a natural law in which the author of any creation of the mind has to the result of his or her labor. That law would ensure the author the exclusive enjoyment of the surplus value produce against any misappropriation (public or private). That particular view reduces intellectual property to something inherent in human nature and therefore removes any historical reality. Then we must ask: at what point did political stances towards intellectual property emerge? Which events indicate its birth? What are its effects? Intellectual property emerges as a social intervention technique in the precise moment that social communication becomes an issue for the government and for the State. In the first chapter we identify the genesis of intellectual property in the context of shaping European national states and of the rationality that gave life to it: the reason of State. Communication is treated as a government object, and the copyright is mobilized as a mechanism for monitoring and disciplining these communicative circuits. In the second chapter we expose the first major fold in the politics of intellectual property. With the advent of liberalism, the functions and mechanisms of government are transformed. That process directly affects the social effects of copyright. In that context copyrights works less as a technique for surveillance and punishment than as a device for control and security of the media market. In final chapter, we present the operating mode of contemporary intellectual property and its relationship with the dominant political philosophy of our day - neoliberalism. In the neoliberal form of government, intellectual property is reappropriated and thus assumes a role even more essential, paradoxical and complex. The main objective of this research is to unseat any discourse on intellectual property that assumes it is intrinsic to human nature. We justify our research posing the irreversible process of a global media community. In such an environment, intellectual property is elevated to the heart of today's political process. The theoretical framework is inspired by the courses of 1976, 77 and 78 given by Michel Foucault at the Collège de France. In addition, we have included authors that update the political thoughts of the French philosopher, among them: Lazzarato, Senellart, Hardt and Negri and others. Finally, we use the research work of a group of historians based at the University of Cambridge in which they inaugurated the academic discipline of the History of Intellectual Property / Esta pesquisa apresenta como objeto de estudo a propriedade intelectual e sua relação com o campo da comunicação. É comumente aceita a ideia de que a propriedade intelectual é um direito natural de que o autor de alguma criação intelectual imediatamente dispõe ao produzir sua obra. Esse direito garantiria ao criador o usufruto da mais-valia gerada contra qualquer apropriação indevida (pública ou privada). Essa visão essencializa a propriedade intelectual como inerente à natureza humana, retirando do conceito qualquer realidade histórica. Perguntamos: em que momento se pensou politicamente a propriedade intelectual? Quais acontecimentos remetem a sua gênese? Quais efeitos são engendrados? A propriedade intelectual emerge como técnica de intervenção política no instante em que a comunicação social passa a ser objeto de preocupação do governo e do Estado. No primeiro capítulo, identificamos a gênese da propriedade intelectual no contexto de conformação dos Estados nacionais europeus e da racionalidade que animou esse movimento, a razão de Estado. A comunicação social torna-se objeto de governo e para isso o copyright é mobilizado como o mecanismo de vigilância e disciplina desses fluxos comunicativos. No segundo capítulo, expomos a primeira grande dobra das políticas da propriedade intelectual. Com o advento dos liberalismos, as funções e dispositivos de governo são transformadas e isso afeta os efeitos sociais do copyright. Nesse contexto, ele funciona menos como técnica de vigilância e punição do que como dispositivo de controle e segurança do mercado da comunicação. No último capítulo, apresentamos o modo de operação da propriedade intelectual na contemporaneidade e sua relação com o atual pensamento dominante o neoliberalismo. A propriedade intelectual é reatualizada e assume função ainda mais primordial, paradoxal e complexa. O objetivo principal da pesquisa é destituir qualquer discurso sobre a propriedade intelectual que a essencialize como algo inerente ao humano. A justificativa da pesquisa está baseada no inescapável processo de consolidação e alongamento do mercado global da comunicação. Nesta conjuntura, a propriedade intelectual é reescalonada e inserida no cerne do processo político hodierno. A fundamentação teórica é inspirada nos cursos de 1976, 77 e 78 ministrados por Foucault, no Collège de France. Em complemento, mobilizamos autores que atualizam o pensamento do filósofo francês, como: Lazzarato, Senellart, Hardt e Negri, entre outros. Por fim, apropriamo-nos do trabalho do grupo de historiadores baseados na Universidade de Cambridge, cuja rica pesquisa inaugurou a disciplina História da Propriedade Intelectual