Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-06T15:15:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 marcoaureliocorreamartins.pdf: 1304217 bytes, checksum: dff0e30d6ed7d3424f5b9036019eb128 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-06T15:47:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 marcoaureliocorreamartins.pdf: 1304217 bytes, checksum: dff0e30d6ed7d3424f5b9036019eb128 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-06T15:47:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 marcoaureliocorreamartins.pdf: 1304217 bytes, checksum: dff0e30d6ed7d3424f5b9036019eb128 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-06T15:47:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 marcoaureliocorreamartins.pdf: 1304217 bytes, checksum: dff0e30d6ed7d3424f5b9036019eb128 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-15 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A Igreja Católica viveu, no final do século XIX, um conflito com seu tempo. Combateu o liberalismo, o positivismo, o laicismo e o crescimento do socialismo. No Brasil, entre a “Questão Religiosa” e a Proclamação da República, houve um declínio de sua influência na política e na sociedade. A Pastoral Coletiva dos Bispos do Brasil de 1890 apontava uma reação católica. No entanto, como se pode perceber da Pastoral Coletiva de 1900, dez anos mais tarde, não houve uma reação coordenada dos bispos quanto ao proposto na pastoral anterior. De Minas Gerais, um padre, doutor em Direito, surgiu pregando a aproximação da Igreja ao povo, divulgando a Rerum Novarum e outras encíclicas de Leão XIII, propondo uma ação pedagógica da Igreja junto ao povo em defesa da democracia republicana. Do ponto de vista teológico, padre Júlio Maria apontou o papel modelar do pobre na Igreja. Foi na experiência vivida na cidade de Juiz de Fora, recepcionadas as tradições católicas brasileiras, que tais expectativas se articularam nas conferências do sacerdote. Entre a modernidade e a tradição, ele conjugava ideais ultramontanos, democráticos e tradicionalistas em sua experiência e expectativa. As propostas de Júlio Maria apontavam para um horizonte novo, onde a união da Igreja ao povo, o papel pedagógico católico e a teologia do pobre como seu hierarca marcavam a possibilidade de um tempo novo para a mesma no Brasil e para a própria nação, sob o signo da democracia. / L’Eglise Catholic a vécu, a la fin du XIXème siècle, un conflit avec son temps. Elle a combattu le positivisme, le libéralisme, le laïcisme et l’avance du socialisme. Au Brèsil, entre la “Question Religieuse” et la Proclamation de la Républic, il y avait un declin de son influence politique et sociale. La Lettre Pastorale Collective des Èvêques Brèsiliens de 1890 indiquait une rèation catolic. Cependant, comme il se peut percevoir dans la Lettre Pastorale des Èvêques de 1900, dix ans plus tard, il n’y avait pas une réaction coordonnée des èvêques combien a proposée dans la pastorale anterieur. De Minas Gerais, un prêtre, docteur en droit, est venu prêcher l'approche de l'Eglise au peuple, il a divulgué l’Encyclique Rerum Novarum et des autres encycliques du Pape León XIII, il a proposé une action pédagogique de l’Eglise avec le peuple défendant la démocracie républicaine. Du point de vue théologique, prêtre Júlio Maria a indiqué le rôle formative du pauvre dans l'Église. Ce fut l’experience de vie de la ville de Juiz de Fora, en accueillant les traditions catholiques brésiliennes, que telles attentes se sont articulées dans les conférences du prêtre. Entre la modernité e la tradition, il conjuguait des idées ultramontains, démocratiques et traditionalistes dans leur expérience et leur attente. Les propositions de Júlio Maria indiquaient un horizon nouveau, où l’union de l’Église au peuple, le rôle pédagogique catholic, et la théologie du pauvre comme son hierarque, a marqué la possibilité d’un temps nouveau par la même au Brèsil et la nation ellemême, sur le signe de la démocratie.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.