This thesis investigates the moral permissibility of military privatization. My analysis focuses on two distinct concepts: the authorization of war and the supply of war. Entities that authorize war decide that military force will be used and by whom; entities that supply war then execute the various tasks that have been authorized for performance. Part I argues that private actors may not justifiably authorize war. The reason is that, in so doing, they would impose considerable risks on individuals who lack a say in authorization—particularly fellow countrymen who may suffer from retaliatory military action—and we ought not to impose considerable risks on individuals who lack such a say. Public actors have a right, and indeed a duty, to prevent private actors from authorizing military force. Moreover, public actors have a further duty to authorize military force when their constituents are threatened. Part II then seeks to show that public actors who authorize military force may rely upon private contractors to an extent in military supply. Public actors may not rely upon private contractors to exercise command. The reason is that commanders must be able to punish their subordinates in intrusive ways (e.g. imprisonment) to ensure the prosecution of just wars. Such intrusive forms of punishment should only be dispensed by public actors. In addition, public actors may not rely upon private contractors to serve above commanders on the chain of command. Such high-ranking military officers exercise substantial political power over civilian decisions of military authorization and supply; moreover, these officers make weighty decisions in battle that substantially affect the well-being of others. Public actors, however, should be permitted to rely upon private contractors to serve below military commanders on the chain of command in rank-and-file military roles so long as these contractors are properly constrained and regulated.

Vaal University of Technology / ABSTRACT Keywords: job satisfaction, absenteeism and private security companies Organisations are faced with the challenge of satisfying their employees in order for them to cope with the competitive environment. In order to increase productivity, efficiency and effectiveness and to show commitment in their work, organisations must ensure that they satisfy the needs of employees to avoid absenteeism. Over the past years, organisations have attempted to find solutions for recovering and developing management of employees’ resource, placing more emphasis on the reduction of employees’ work absenteeism. Management within the organisations has introduced different methods such as teamwork, shift work system and employee motivation as strategies to improve employees’ satisfaction, motivation and reducing absenteeism with the aim of improving overall organisational performance. Absence from work is a complex issue that can be influenced by multiple causes within an organisation or could be personal in nature. The purpose of this study is to examine job satisfaction and absenteeism among entry level security officers within the Southern Gauteng region. A quantitative methodology with a non-probability survey administered to a convenience sampling was used to examine the relationship between the study constructs. In the empirical investigation, a sample of 200 was selected to participate in the study. In order to measure the study constructs, two survey materials were adapted. The participants were asked to complete two test instruments, namely a job satisfaction questionnaire (JSS) and an absenteeism questionnaire. Of the 200 questionnaires that were distributed to the identified sample of entry level security officers, 199 (n) responded. The collected data were computed through correlations analysis to evaluate the relationship between variables and the results are presented and discussed in detail. The findings of this study showed a low level of job satisfaction among entry level security officers in this particular region of Southern Gauteng. The three factors found to influence job satisfaction among security officers are lack of support from management, operating conditions and stimulating tasks. Furthermore, pay, promotion, supervision, benefits, rewards, operating conditions, relationship with co-workers and lack of communication seem to be correlated negatively with the personal, supervisory, work and organisational factors of absenteeism. Through ANOVA, three of the job satisfaction factors indicate significant variances. Differences were found for the operating conditions (p=0.000; p<0.055), co-workers (p=0.000; p<0.05), communication (p=0.000; p<0.05) and the type of employment. Further, the reliability of the job satisfaction and absenteeism sub-scales were found to be reliable. It is recommended that private security industry management could explore the relevance of the various job satisfaction factors that could influence the job and potentially cause low satisfaction among entry level security officers. The outcome of such a process could guide future actions aimed at improved job satisfaction. The private security sector should consider the implications of their staffing practices. It is recommended that terms of employment should be more permanent in nature to aid overall job satisfaction.

Zugl.: München, Univ. der Bundeswehr, Diss.

Sedan kalla krigets slut har en ny typ av aktör dykt upp i internationella konflikter och krig världen över. Denna aktör är privata företag som i dagsläget erbjuder allt från supplementär logistik till att helt ersätta nationella arméer. Utgångspunkten i denna uppsats är att ta reda på vilka faktorer som har skapat en marknad för dessa företag generellt, samt vilka av dessa faktorer som kan förklara framväxten i Sverige specifikt. I uppsatsen undersöks befintlig forskning kring vad som drivit utvecklingen. Därefter kommer befintlig teori att prövas som förklaringsmodell för expansionen i Sverige. Den befintliga teorin som prövats på Sverige består av sju faktorer beskrivandes politiska och samhälleliga förutsättningar vilka förklarar expansionen. Av dessa återfinns samtliga i Sverige, men genom en analys av deras respektive giltighet i svensk kontext uppstår en mer nyanserad bild, där endast fyra av faktorerna är relevanta som förklaringar. Dessa är en transformation av försvarets fokus och organisation, en politisk trend av privatisering samt ett överflöd av militärt utbildad personal utan sysselsättning. Av dessa är den förstnämnda den starkaste katalysatorn medan den sistnämnda endast i viss mån påverkar den redan pågående expansionen. / Since the end of the Cold War a new phenomenon has shown in international conflict and war, worldwide. This phenomenon is the private companies nowadays offering supplementary logistics, armed troops to the front and everything in between. This essay aims to identify which factors that have contributed to the creating of a market for these companies in general, and which of these that can explain the growth of Swedish companies in particular. In the essay previous research on the topic of privatization of security are examined and thereafter applied onSwedenin order to examine to what extent it can be used to explain the changes inSweden. The existent theory applied onSwedenconsists of seven factors, describing political and social basis, which explain the expansion. All of these are found in Sweden, however, through a further analysis of their individual relevance, a more nuanced result can be seen, whereas only four out of seven are relevant as explanations. These are a transformation in defence focus and organization, a political trend of privatization and a flood of trained unemployed military personnel. The first one of these is the strongest catalyst for expansion while the latter only to a certain degree reinforces the already ongoing process.

Much has been written on the revanchist city (for example Smith, 1996; MacLeod, 2002; Belina and Helms, 2003) and the reclaiming of space from so-called ‘undesirables‘ through the means of the police. Here, the guiding ideas are policing strategies such as the ‘broken windows syndrome‘ (Kelling and Wilson, 1982) and ‘zero tolerance policing‘ (Giuliani and Bratton, 1994; Beckett and Herbert, 2008; Herbert and Beckett, 2010). However, the role of private security companies in the reclaiming of public space remains under-researched. Using a case study in Cape Town this research gap will be addressed in this study. Conceptualising the thesis through governance and territoriality, it will examine how revanchist ideas of reclaiming space from urban poor and street people lead to exclusionary processes in the quest for sanitised spaces. By taking private security companies out of the environment of mass private property in which they are most commonly studied (Shearing and Stenning, 1983; von Hirsch and Shearing, 2000; Wakefield, 2003), this thesis examines their role and impact on public spaces within the revanchist environment of Cape Town, South Africa. Here, fast and extensive developments in governance as well as in urban life, interwoven with exceptionally high crime rates, have created a flourishing market for private security companies. In this context this thesis examines the case of private policing companies operating in the core public spaces of the city; the research reveals their social ordering function and powers are the same as those usually associated with the public police. Drawing on these insights it is claimed that private policing companies manifest an evolution from private security companies towards the police, and that this continues the pluralisation of the policing landscape. By mapping the privately policed spaces within the case studies and analysing the functions the different governance actors carry out, this thesis also argues that social development actors become part of the policing landscape. Analysing the governance landscape and its close ties to private policing, it is argued that social development is becoming the softer side of policing. Combining effective private policing companies with social development in support of the state reveals that private governance actors are indeed powerful players in public spaces. Drawing on this governance of security and its associated power, the final argument will be that a different kind of public space is being developed. After consideration of the particular history of defunct public spaces in South Africa, it is claimed that no single public space exists anymore, but that we now face different public spaces, characterised through their different norms and rules, and the social groups that use them.

This thesis examines the expansion of private maritime security provision, its regulation and implications for national and global security. The main research question addressed is: How are private maritime security companies (PMSCs) regulated in the context of the contemporary trend towards international security privatisation? However, further questions stem from this: Is the complex framework of the PMSCs’ business model adequately regulated? To what extent could the existing practices and regulatory framework affect international security in governance and policy, strategic, social and commercial terms? Qualitative research methods were used, strongly supported by empirical data collection – available due to extensive professional experience and personal engagement of the author with the private maritime security industry. Using a case study of PMSCs’ operations off Somalia from 2005-2013, and a plethora of selected data from primary sources and semi-structured interviews, the paper argues that there is need for more effective regulation of PMSCs and the establishment of international standards. Following an analysis of the current conceptual framework of private security, focussing particularly on maritime security, in the context of contemporary academic literature and professional practice, the paper provides a detailed theoretical justification for the selection of the methodology used. After broadening and deepening the analysis of the privatisation of security ashore, the concerns raised are then transferred to the maritime domain. The situation becomes even more complicated in the high seas due to inconsistencies between flag states’ regulations, the unregulated vastness of the oceans and the reluctance of any international body (such as the IMO) to undertake the essential task of regulating PMSCs. Building on this, an analytical framework that enables the integration of maritime security and contemporary piracy into the contemporary paradigm of global security is developed. An historical overview of piracy then demonstrates that modern piracy is an ancient phenomenon with contemporary local characteristics. The maritime crime’s causal factors remain more or less the same throughout human history and, the paper argues, PMSCs serve as a short term response to address the symptoms rather than the root causes. Given that PMSCs have so far been used primarily as measures against Somali piracy, activities in this specific region provide an appropriate case study. The development of a typology of piracy offers a deeper understanding of the regional distinctiveness of the phenomenon, which is essential to acquiring a holistic picture of the operational environment in which PMSCs are deployed. The above considerations are used as a basis for analysing the complexities of the PMSCs’ business model, in legal, operational and ethical terms. The questionable practices involved in these are not fully regulated by national states. Hence, their contract and deployment raise ethical, legal and operational concerns. In the penultimate chapter, these are further assessed in terms of the extent to which the existing regulatory framework and PMSCs’ practices affect international security in governance and policy, strategic, social and commercial terms. The research indicates that states are increasingly outsourcing the monopoly they have exercised in security provision - a trend that has also expanded the private sector’s activities and business at sea. However, the lack of international laws and the consequent unstandardized plethora of flag states’ regulations has meant that the burgeoning private security services are dependent on the global market to regulate themselves. States’ reluctance and/or inability to regulate these companies has allowed controversial practices to persist and the lack of an international body responsible for their regulation and vetting on a worldwide basis has inevitable consequences in terms of global security. The overall outcome of this thesis is an elucidation of the potential implications of the privatisation of maritime security - both positive and negative. Most significantly, it suggests this could present a significant threat to international security in the near future.

The post-Cold War era saw the extraordinary expansion of UN activity in the maintenance of global peace and security. Such a rapid expansion led to organizational over-stretch and failure and many in the international community began searching for ways to improve UN peacekeeping by reducing deployment time. In the mid-1990s, the Dutch, Canadian and Danish governments released proposals for a UN rapid reaction capability. Unfortunately, of the three proposals only the Danish proposed Stand-by High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) was implemented. The lack of movement toward UN rapid reaction is due to a number of factors, namely the loss of post-Cold War idealism, a disconnection with the political reality of the time and cost concerns. More fundamentally, rapid reaction posed a threat to state primacy. / October 2006

Abstract not available. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, [2008].

The post-Cold War era saw the extraordinary expansion of UN activity in the maintenance of global peace and security. Such a rapid expansion led to organizational over-stretch and failure and many in the international community began searching for ways to improve UN peacekeeping by reducing deployment time. In the mid-1990s, the Dutch, Canadian and Danish governments released proposals for a UN rapid reaction capability. Unfortunately, of the three proposals only the Danish proposed Stand-by High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) was implemented. The lack of movement toward UN rapid reaction is due to a number of factors, namely the loss of post-Cold War idealism, a disconnection with the political reality of the time and cost concerns. More fundamentally, rapid reaction posed a threat to state primacy.

The post-Cold War era saw the extraordinary expansion of UN activity in the maintenance of global peace and security. Such a rapid expansion led to organizational over-stretch and failure and many in the international community began searching for ways to improve UN peacekeeping by reducing deployment time. In the mid-1990s, the Dutch, Canadian and Danish governments released proposals for a UN rapid reaction capability. Unfortunately, of the three proposals only the Danish proposed Stand-by High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) was implemented. The lack of movement toward UN rapid reaction is due to a number of factors, namely the loss of post-Cold War idealism, a disconnection with the political reality of the time and cost concerns. More fundamentally, rapid reaction posed a threat to state primacy.