Submitted by Fernando Luz Brancoli (fbrancoli@gmail.com) on 2016-05-12T14:07:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Fernando Brancoli.pdf: 1557179 bytes, checksum: 03f67eab386fbe2e2dc3e2fc4047a61e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-05-16T12:39:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 brancoli_fl_dr_mar.pdf: 1557179 bytes, checksum: 03f67eab386fbe2e2dc3e2fc4047a61e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-16T12:39:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 brancoli_fl_dr_mar.pdf: 1557179 bytes, checksum: 03f67eab386fbe2e2dc3e2fc4047a61e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O argumento central da pesquisa fundamenta-se na capacidade das Companhias de Segurança Privadas (CSP) influenciarem cenários de conflito contemporâneos, no caso específico para a Guerra do Afeganistão, entre os anos de 2001 e 2011, e da Líbia (2011-2012). Sugerimos que as CSP possuem uma disposição ainda pouco estudada para conformar pontos nevrálgicos relacionados com a segurança internacional, dentre eles o caso analisado, nos teatros de operações do Oriente Médio e do norte da África. O objetivo da pesquisa é demonstrar qual o impacto dessas Companhias, ressaltando como a instrumentalização dos discursos feitas por essas empresas encontram eco explicativo parcial no princípio de Securitização, abordado pela chamada Escola de Copenhague. Pela própria natureza do campo de estudo, nos pautamos principalmente em fontes primárias, como entrevistas realizadas nos dois países entre 2012 e 2015. Empregamos ainda documentos oficiais, tanto do governo norte-americano quanto de especialistas das CSP, além da bibliografia especializada. Sugerimos ainda que tais Companhias, combinando características locais e internacionais, acabam por resiginficar capitais e possibilidades, formando atores distintos, chamados aqui de Companhias Antropofágicas de Segurança (CAS). As CAS possuem uma capacidade ainda não analisada na literatura tradicional para definir, por exemplo, distribuição de tropas, escolha do inimigo e emprego de novos armamentos, mobilizando justamente o discurso de emergência e a necessidade de ferramentas não estabelecidas no marco legal. / The central argument of the research is that Private Security Companies (PSCs) are able to chaperon contemporary conflict scenarios, in this case, the Afghan war, between 2001 and 2011, and Libya (2011-2012). We suggest that the CSP have a provision, not well researched, to impact hotspots related to international security, including the case analyzed in the theaters of operations in the Middle East and North Africa. The objective of the research is to demonstrate the impact these companies, highlighting how the instrumentalization of the speeches made by them are partial explained by the concept of securitization, covered by the so-called Copenhagen School. The research is based in primary sources, such as interviews in both countries between 2012 and 2015. We also used official documents, both the US government and experts of the CSP, as well as academic literature. We suggest that such companies, combining local and international features, promoted a resignification of capitals and possibilities, forming innovative actors, called here Security Anthropophagic Companies (CAS). CAS have a capacity not yet analyzed in traditional literature to define, for example, distribution of troops, choose the enemy and use of new weapons, just mobilizing emergency speech and the need for tools not established in the legal framework.

Entangled in a context of increased use of private military and security companies globally, this study sets out to investigate the motivation for Denmark to use private military and security companies (PMSCs) for maritime security in parilious international waters. This study examines the decision making process taking place in the Danish Parliament in 2012 prior to the passing of ​ Law 116 The amendment of the Firearms Act and the Act on Warfare, etc. that mandated the shipping industry to hire PMSCs for armed protection of their vessels. A critical discourse analysis has been applied in order to understand the discursive mechanisms present in the political debate prior to the adoption of the law. The analysis shows that a neoliberal market discourse of necessity, efficiency and competition informs the parliamentary debate on international maritime security and pirate threats. That is, the protecting of the Danish industry and trade are found to be a first priority whereas personal security of the employees, the pirates, and control over weapons are only secondary. The findings indicate that in the political discourse, security has become subjected to a marketlogic. Thus, security is referred to as security for ​the market more than for the population.The thesis argues that this change in thinking about security needs a critical public debate in order to make sure that issues of security stay within the political sphere.

Maintaining order is a core function of the state. Yet, in many contexts, actors other than the state are involved in combating crime and violence. Such actors range from private security companies who sell protection to vigilante mobs who brutally punish criminal suspects. This dissertation explores how states maintain order when they are faced with private crime prevention efforts. Taken together, the three chapters of the dissertation provide insights into the determinants of law enforcement policy, the sources of citizens' willingness to cooperate with the state, and the social drivers of crime and violence. Chapter 1 presents a formal model that sheds light on the incentives of political parties to invest in law enforcement when citizens can purchase private protection. Private security measures like burglar alarms, camera systems, and security guards are pervasive in high income communities around the world. I model the supply of crime and the demand for private protection together with a political process that determines public spending on the police. The model provides conditions under which parties may over- and underspend on law enforcement relative to other government services. In relatively poor societies, left parties are prone to spend less and right parties are prone to spend more than the socially optimal amount on policing. The reverse is true in relatively rich societies, where the base of the right party can afford private protection. The results call into question the conventional wisdom that tough-on-crime policies are the domain of parties on the right, and provide an explanation for why such policies in various contexts have been implemented by left-wing politicians. Throughout the developing world, criminal suspects are often assaulted or even killed at the hands of their community. Chapter 2 considers the micro-dynamics of how state capacity affects citizens’ choice between the state and mob vigilantism. I present results from a field experiment in South Africa that creates variation in the capacity of police to locate households. Findings from mid- and endline surveys suggest households exposed to an increase in police capacity became more willing to rely on police and less willing to resort to vigilantism. Results from a mechanism experiment point towards increased fear of state punishment for vigilante violence rather than improved perceptions of police service quality as the link between state capacity and vigilantism. The broader implication is that citizens’ cooperation with capable state institutions may not necessarily reflect citizens’ satisfaction with state services. Instead, citizens may draw on state institutions because states limit citizens’ choices by sanctioning those who participate in informal practices that the state deems illegal. Chapter 3 draws on original surveys with more than 10,000 respondents from hundreds of communities in Uganda, Tanzania, and South Africa to show that women are more likely than men to support mob vigilantism. This result runs counter to a large literature in public opinion that finds women are less supportive of violence than men across a variety of domains throughout industrialized contexts. Drawing on qualitative evidence, a vignette experiment in Uganda, and additional survey measures from Tanzania, the chapter shows that men and women differ in their beliefs about the downsides of mob vigilantism. Men are more likely to think mob vigilantism creates risks of false accusation for those who do not commit crime. The chapter traces this divergence in beliefs to differences in the extent to which men and women are at personal risk of being accused of a crime that they did not commit. The results highlight the role that beliefs play in the link between gender and views about violence.

This thesis concentrates on the topic of private military and security companies in the relation to their activities within peacebuilding efforts in three african countries - Sierra Leone, Liberia and Nigeria. The main goal of this thesis is to chart their activities in these countries and evaluate the level of their influence on the quality of the security, and to draw the attention to risks related to their engagement. This paper postulates the thesis that after proper regulation of their activities, private military and security companies could play an important role in peacebuilding in Africa. This thesis tries to vindicate this claim by technical texts analysing along with collected data. Furthermore, this thesis evaluates the state of current research in this area and look on the opinions of specialists on the engagement of private military and security companies in peacebuilding efforts. Keywords security, private military and security companies, privatization, peacebuilding

The aim of this study is to examine the factors and perceptions surrounding the privatization and outsourcing of governmental military functions to Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs), with a specific focus on Blackwater’s involvement in Iraq. It analyzes a 2007 Congressional hearing, a significant event in the PMSC discussion. Applying Lobell’s neoclassical realist theory of threat assessment, the study explores the hearing participants’ perception of threats and shifts in power dynamics within the U.S., and how these influenced the policy implementation. Through a directed content analysis of the hearing, the study identifies constraints at both domestic and systemic levels, posing challenges for the United States. Key actors exhibited differing viewpoints on how to manage the U.S. operation in Iraq, the role of PMSCs, and whether their presence assisted or undermined U.S. efforts. Perceptions of the most imminent threat varied, with some seeing privatization and outsourcing as a domestic threat while others prioritized the mission in Iraq. Several other constraints were discussed during the analysis, including cost, military logistics, public support, partisan interests, and the control of force, providing an insight to important factors in the decision-making process.

The dominant trend in international security over the past decade has been a move towards ‘remote control’: the increasing use of special forces, private military and security companies and remote systems at the expense of the engagement of large forces. Paul Rogers analyses how this trend has developed, and asks whether it can really provide an appropriate response to the likely threats against global security in the coming years.

La presente investigación plantea conocer cuáles son los subsistemas de recursos humanos a través de seis dimensiones basadas en el libro de Martha Alles “Dirección Estratégica de RRHH” y cuál es la percepción de los agentes respecto a los motivos de cese laboral existente en el sector de seguridad por medio de cinco dimensiones basadas en el libro de Mathis & Jackson “Human Resource Management”, limitándose este estudio a los agentes de seguridad. Para esta investigación se hizo una indagación cuantitativa de los posibles factores de percepción respecto a los motivos de cese laboral según el punto de vista del personal de seguridad de seguridad (en adelante referidos como agentes), es decir, por qué estos agentes cesarían de sus centros laborales en forma voluntaria. De esta forma, se pudo contrastar si los subsistemas de recursos humanos que aplicaban las diversas empresas de seguridad de la ciudad de Huánuco , dentro de sus estrategias de recursos humanos, mantienen una relación con los verdaderos motivos que inducen a los agentes a renunciar a su centro de trabajo, lo cual genera rotación de personal en el sector. A partir de esta premisa, la investigación estuvo basada en el estudio de 166 agentes de seguridad privada en la ciudad de Huánuco, adicional a lo expuesto, se ha encuestado y entrevistado a la plana gerencial (cinco empresas de seguridad de Huánuco). / The present research know about the human resources subsystems through six dimensions based on Martha Alles book "Strategic HR Management" and the security agent’s perception of the factors leading the employee turnover in the security sector this by five dimensions based on the book written by Mathis & Jackson "Human Resource Management". In that order, this study is limited to the security agents. For this, a qualitative investigation based on the perception of the factors leading the employee turnover was carried out according to the point of view of the security agents (hereafter referred to as agents), this means know the reasons why these agents leave their jobs. In this way, it was possible to verify if the human resources strategies applied by the various security companies in Huánuco were according with the real reasons why the agents leave their jobs, which leads to employee turnover in this industry. According to this premise, the research was based on the study of 166 agents who provide private security services in the city of Huánuco. In addition to the above, the management team of each security company (five security companies of Huánuco) has been surveyed. / Tesis

As empresas militares e de segurança privadas (EMSPs) deixam de atuar apenas para Estados e outras corporações, e expandem as suas atividades para o contexto de paz da ONU. A organização busca as EMSPs para melhor atender aos desafios apresentados nos contextos cada vez mais instáveis nos quais as suas operações de paz se desenvolvem. Considerando esse contexto, a dissertação proposta possui como escopo a busca por respostas ao seguinte problema de pesquisa: tendo em vista a crescente tendência na privatização dos serviços de segurança em operações de paz da ONU, de que forma as EMSPs atuam nesse cenário? A partir disso, existe algum meio pelo qual a ONU pode responder por eventuais ilícitos cometidos pelas EMSPs? Para responder a estes problemas, o método de abordagem adotado foi o hipotético-dedutivo. A atuação das EMSPs no âmbito da ONU se dá por meio da provisão de atividades de segurança, além de serviços de inteligência, de treinamento, de desminagem, entre outros. O engajamento entre a ONU e as EMSPs pode ocorrer de duas formas diversas. No primeiro caso, haverá a contratação diretamente pela organização e, no segundo, haverá a contratação da EMSP por um Estado-membro da ONU, o qual disponibilizará tropas para que atuem nas operações de paz. Esse cenário gera preocupações referentes ao potencial risco de impactos negativos que as EMSPs pode ter sobre a imagem da organização, uma vez que referidas empresas possuem um histórico de violações aos direitos humanos. Com isso, deve-se verificar se a ONU pode responder pelas EMSPs que perpetrem atos ilícitos no cenário de suas missões de paz. Para isso, parte-se da atribuição da conduta ilícita à organização, que ocorrerá conforme a forma de engajamento. Quando houver a contratação direta, a ONU não considera as EMSPs agentes e não assume a responsabilidade. Quando há a disponibilização de EMSPs como parte de tropas estatais, elas serão tratadas de forma análoga às tropas regulares e a ONU assume a responsabilidade. A reparação de danos causados a terceiros em decorrência de violações será feita pela organização, observados certos limites. Assim, em muitos casos as vítimas terão seu acesso à justiça frustrados em função das imunidades das quais a ONU goza. Não obstante a falta de previsões das quais decorra a responsabilidade da ONU no caso de violações cometidas por EMSPs, verifica-se que a estrutura normativa internacional não endereça essa questão, e refere, comumente, a relação entre Estados e EMSPs. Isso seria sanado por meio da elaboração de um documento vinculante a todos os atores que atuam nesse contexto, o que exige esforços de toda a comunidade internacional e, por isso, apresenta-se como um grande desafio. / Private military and security companies (PMSCs) cease to act only for states and other corporations, and expand their activities into the UN peace operations context. The organization seeks PMSCs to better address the challenges posed in the increasingly unstable contexts in which its peace operations develop. Considering this context, the proposed dissertation has as its goal the search for answers to the following research problem: in view of the growing tendency in the privatization of security services in UN peace operations, in what way do PMSCs act in this scenario? From this, is there any means by which the UN can respond for any wrongdoing committed by the PMSCs? To respond to these problems, the approach method adopted was the hypothetico-deductive. The activities of the PMSCs within the scope of the UN are provided through the provision of security activities, as well as intelligence, training, demining services, among others. Engagement between the UN and PMSCs can occur in two different ways. In the first case, the PMSC will be hired directly by the organization, and in the second a UN member-State will hire the PMSC and make it available as its troops to work in UN peace operations. This scenario raises concerns about the potential risk of negative impacts that PMSCs may have on the organization's image, since these companies have a history of human rights violations. With this, it must be verified if the UN can be responsible for the PMSCs that perpetrate illicit acts in the context of its peace operations. Therefore, it starts from the attribution of the unlawful conduct to the organization, which will occur according to the form of engagement. When there is direct hiring, the UN does not consider the PMSCs its agents and does not assume responsibility. When PMSCs are made available as part of state troops, they will be treated in the same way as regular troops and the UN takes responsibility. The reparation of harm caused to third parties as a result of violations will be made by the organization, subject to certain limits. Thus, in many cases the victims will have their access to justice frustrated by the immunities enjoyed by the UN. Notwithstanding the lack of predictions of UN responsibility in the case of violations committed by PMSCs, it is clear that the international normative framework does not address this issue, and commonly refers to the relationship between States and PMSCs. This would be remedied through the drafting of a binding document on all actors working in this context, which calls for the efforts of the entire international community and therefore presents itself as a major challenge.

The rise of the Private Military Industry has been cemented in modern global political reality, but where next will this multi-billion dollar industry go and what form will it take after the market boom of Iraq? Post-Colonial Africa is considered the birthplace of the modern mercenary and historically features prominently as a testament to the potential for immoral privately sponsored military activities within unstable states. Moreover, it is a rich market that the Private Military Industry is increasingly turning its attention to, albeit focussing on support functions for now, but a massive industry with a competitive and poorly regulated market environment will invariably begin to explore different avenues as competition grows. With market diversification grows the ethical risk of abuse. At the same time, peacekeeping efforts across the continent are hampered by numerous factors, not least of all a chronic lack of trained personnel. Could the legal and political legitimacy, not to mention the sustainable market environment sought by the PMI potentially exist in multilaterally sanctioned, privatised peacekeeping and peace support operations in Africa? Can the ethical challenges of mercenarism be suspended or even bypassed for the sake of expedient intervention in potential genocides, or be perhaps pragmatically accepted as an inevitable development that should be embraced rather than condemned, for strategic security reasons? Can the ethical condemnation of the proposed means of peace support be overridden by the potential ends generated by such a move? Is the world ready for privatised peacekeepers? This dissertation explores the ethical background to the privatisation of military operations and how these foreign policy trends and social perceptions of control of force impact on the notion of privatised peacekeeping, particularly in the context of operations in Africa. It investigates the philosophical implications of privatised peacekeeping by way of a constrained pragmatic form of consequentialist evaluation that warns against reckless expediency. Ultimately, this dissertation offers a more philosophically suitable argument to justify and control this seemingly inevitable next step in the trend of privatisation of force. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

As empresas militares e de segurança privadas (EMSPs) deixam de atuar apenas para Estados e outras corporações, e expandem as suas atividades para o contexto de paz da ONU. A organização busca as EMSPs para melhor atender aos desafios apresentados nos contextos cada vez mais instáveis nos quais as suas operações de paz se desenvolvem. Considerando esse contexto, a dissertação proposta possui como escopo a busca por respostas ao seguinte problema de pesquisa: tendo em vista a crescente tendência na privatização dos serviços de segurança em operações de paz da ONU, de que forma as EMSPs atuam nesse cenário? A partir disso, existe algum meio pelo qual a ONU pode responder por eventuais ilícitos cometidos pelas EMSPs? Para responder a estes problemas, o método de abordagem adotado foi o hipotético-dedutivo. A atuação das EMSPs no âmbito da ONU se dá por meio da provisão de atividades de segurança, além de serviços de inteligência, de treinamento, de desminagem, entre outros. O engajamento entre a ONU e as EMSPs pode ocorrer de duas formas diversas. No primeiro caso, haverá a contratação diretamente pela organização e, no segundo, haverá a contratação da EMSP por um Estado-membro da ONU, o qual disponibilizará tropas para que atuem nas operações de paz. Esse cenário gera preocupações referentes ao potencial risco de impactos negativos que as EMSPs pode ter sobre a imagem da organização, uma vez que referidas empresas possuem um histórico de violações aos direitos humanos. Com isso, deve-se verificar se a ONU pode responder pelas EMSPs que perpetrem atos ilícitos no cenário de suas missões de paz. Para isso, parte-se da atribuição da conduta ilícita à organização, que ocorrerá conforme a forma de engajamento. Quando houver a contratação direta, a ONU não considera as EMSPs agentes e não assume a responsabilidade. Quando há a disponibilização de EMSPs como parte de tropas estatais, elas serão tratadas de forma análoga às tropas regulares e a ONU assume a responsabilidade. A reparação de danos causados a terceiros em decorrência de violações será feita pela organização, observados certos limites. Assim, em muitos casos as vítimas terão seu acesso à justiça frustrados em função das imunidades das quais a ONU goza. Não obstante a falta de previsões das quais decorra a responsabilidade da ONU no caso de violações cometidas por EMSPs, verifica-se que a estrutura normativa internacional não endereça essa questão, e refere, comumente, a relação entre Estados e EMSPs. Isso seria sanado por meio da elaboração de um documento vinculante a todos os atores que atuam nesse contexto, o que exige esforços de toda a comunidade internacional e, por isso, apresenta-se como um grande desafio. / Private military and security companies (PMSCs) cease to act only for states and other corporations, and expand their activities into the UN peace operations context. The organization seeks PMSCs to better address the challenges posed in the increasingly unstable contexts in which its peace operations develop. Considering this context, the proposed dissertation has as its goal the search for answers to the following research problem: in view of the growing tendency in the privatization of security services in UN peace operations, in what way do PMSCs act in this scenario? From this, is there any means by which the UN can respond for any wrongdoing committed by the PMSCs? To respond to these problems, the approach method adopted was the hypothetico-deductive. The activities of the PMSCs within the scope of the UN are provided through the provision of security activities, as well as intelligence, training, demining services, among others. Engagement between the UN and PMSCs can occur in two different ways. In the first case, the PMSC will be hired directly by the organization, and in the second a UN member-State will hire the PMSC and make it available as its troops to work in UN peace operations. This scenario raises concerns about the potential risk of negative impacts that PMSCs may have on the organization's image, since these companies have a history of human rights violations. With this, it must be verified if the UN can be responsible for the PMSCs that perpetrate illicit acts in the context of its peace operations. Therefore, it starts from the attribution of the unlawful conduct to the organization, which will occur according to the form of engagement. When there is direct hiring, the UN does not consider the PMSCs its agents and does not assume responsibility. When PMSCs are made available as part of state troops, they will be treated in the same way as regular troops and the UN takes responsibility. The reparation of harm caused to third parties as a result of violations will be made by the organization, subject to certain limits. Thus, in many cases the victims will have their access to justice frustrated by the immunities enjoyed by the UN. Notwithstanding the lack of predictions of UN responsibility in the case of violations committed by PMSCs, it is clear that the international normative framework does not address this issue, and commonly refers to the relationship between States and PMSCs. This would be remedied through the drafting of a binding document on all actors working in this context, which calls for the efforts of the entire international community and therefore presents itself as a major challenge.