Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1971. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Orientador: Marisa Saenz Leme / Resumo: O recrutamento para o Exército e para a Armada durante o período Imperial foi sempre uma tarefa árdua de se concretizar. Baseando-se no recrutamento forçado, escolhia-se aquela parcela despossuída de recursos (mendigos, ex-escravos, criminosos etc) que não possuíam alguma profissão ou um ofício bem determinado. Com a criação da Lei 2556 de 26 de setembro de 1874 e a promulgação do Decreto 5881 de 27 de fevereiro de 1875, o recrutamento para o Exército e a Armada passaria a ter como base o sorteio universal. A Lei do Sorteio de 1874 estabelecia que qualquer homem livre ou liberto entre 19 e 30 anos estaria à disposição das forças armadas por um período mínimo de 6 anos. A nova legislação alterou radicalmente o método que havia sobre o recrutamento militar até então, gerando assim movimentos sediciosos em todo o Império. Tais considerações serão objeto de estudo desta pesquisa, que procura examinar a forma como ocorreram essas manifestações contra a nova lei de recrutamento na província de São Paulo, destacando a região nordeste da província, entre os anos de 1875 e o final do período Imperial. Baseando-se no pressuposto que o Estado Imperial brasileiro almejou que o recrutamento atingisse todas as camadas da sociedade, visando uma modernização de suas forças armadas, enquadrando-as nos moldes europeus, a Lei 2556 foi de fato uma iniciativa reformista no pós guerra? Como essa lei foi recebida dentro das lógicas sociais que haviam no país? Com base nessas questões, o objetivo da... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The recruitment for the army and the Armada during theImperial period was always an arduous task of realising. Based on forced recruitment, it was chosen that dispossessed portion of resources (beggars, former slaves, criminals, etc) who did not have any profession or a well-established craft. With the creation of Law 2556 of September 26, 1874 and the promulgation of Decree 5881 of February 27, 1875, recruitment for the Army and Navy would be based on the universal draw. The Law of the Draw of 1874 established that any free or released man between the ages of 19 and 30 would be at the disposal of the armed forces for a minimum period of 6 years. The new legislation radically altered the method of military recruitment hitherto, thus generating seditious movements throughout the Empire. Such considerations will be the subject of a study of this research, which examines how these manifestations occurred against the new recruitment law in the province of São Paulo, highlighting the northeast region of the province between the years 1875 and the end of the Imperial period. Based on the assumption that the Brazilian Imperial State intended that recruitment reach all levels of society, aiming at a modernization of its armed forces, molding them in the European mold, was Law 2556 really a post-war reform initiative? How was this law received within the social logic of the country? Based on these questions, the objective of the present proposal is to analyze how the manifestations co... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1968. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Clandestinité : secret et sédition, dissimulation et subversion de l’ordre ; donc : échelle de valeurs illicite. Écart vis-à-vis des normes intellectuelles et morales incarné par le libertin à l’âge classique. Or au XVIIIe siècle, il n’est plus, comme au XVIIe, un poète licencieux ou un penseur austère, mais un personnage de roman ; prospérant aussi bien dans les œuvres licites que les romans clandestins. Mais qu’est-ce qu’un roman libertin ? On peut déceler dans la variété d’esthétiques et de conceptions de ces œuvres la permanence d’un motif : la clandestinité. Deux romanciers de la fin du siècle ont fait du secret l’un des thèmes fondamentaux de leurs œuvres : Laclos dans Les Liaisons dangereuses et Sade, notamment dans l’Histoire de Juliette. Et léguèrent ainsi à la littérature des modèles exemplaires du libertinage romanesque. En quoi leurs réinterprétations radicales du « genre libertin » éclairent-elles la spécificité de ce dernier, révélant le sens qu’y recouvre le thème récurrent de la clandestinité ? Il s’agit d’étudier chez ces eux un intertexte libertin qui réactive comme donnée essentielle le thème de la clandestinité ; afin de saisir, dans le sens qu’ils confèrent à l’association clandestinité et libertinage, les significations et le projet romanesque qu’ils poursuivirent. Ainsi, le libertinage tardif de leurs œuvres dévoilera, on peut le penser, la spécificité d’un imaginaire romanesque propre au XVIIIe, et qui meurt avec lui. / Clandestinity: a word that associates secret and sedition; and threrefore implies the subversion of the common values established by a society legal frame. As this step aside from normal values, it had been embodied at the Classical Age by the libertines. However, at the XVIIIth century, the libertine isn’t anymore the philosopher or the satirical and licencious poet he had been in the XVIIth century : by this time, he becomes a novel character. But what is exactly a libertin novel, at the XVIIIth century ? Two writters of the time provided answers of a very different kind: Laclos in Les Liaisons dangereuses and Sade in a novel like Histoire de Juliette. Consisting in an interpretation of the “libertinage romanesque”, their novels essentialy dwel on one very matter: clandestinity. How such a theme could provide fundamental clues to the undestanding of the significations that both authors have given to the libertinage of the XVIIIth century ? A question that implies that the study of their books should focus on the libertine intertextual schemes that nourish their imaginaire. Which means questionning the sense they’ve given to this association: clandestinity and libertinage.

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Orientador: Márcio Augusto Damin Custódio / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T18:25:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almeida_PaulaFreitasde_M.pdf: 1819275 bytes, checksum: 50cd1fce20bb98ac3fcc4351132c41c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: A pesquisa teve como objeto o estudo a noção de autoridade presente na filosofia política de Nicole Oresme, a partir dos diferentes usos dados à moeda no reino, em especial aqueles que conduzem o reino à autossuficiência (autarkéia). Por meio da análise das relações estabelecidas entre o príncipe e os seus súditos no processo de fabrico, cunhagem e circulação da moeda, se buscou demonstrar que a realização do fim natural da moeda como instrumento artificial usado no sistema de trocas justas pode fomentar a riqueza do reino e a felicidade dos súditos pela circulação de riquezas que permite a diversidade de bens e serviços disponíveis no reino para os residentes e súditos. Para tanto, a pesquisa se dividiu em três capítulos que abordaram a noção de autoridade política na Realeza, os limites da autoridade do príncipe no reino e a tirania como causa da sedição. Para tanto, foi realizada a leitura do Traité sur la Monnaie e dos textos complementares Comentários à Política e Comentários à Ética, estes últimos correspondentes às traduções e glosas francesas de Oresme aos textos aristotélicos da Política e da Ética, respectivamente. Concluiu-se que a realeza e a tirania são formas distintas de ordenação das relações humanas. A realeza possui boas constituições e o governo é exercido pelo príncipe e é reto porque busca o bem e o interesse público. Na questão monetária, isso resulta na preservação da qualidade da moeda e na promoção de meios que a faz circular por entre seus súditos e por entre reinos de modo justo. Ao contrário, na tirania, o uso da moeda torna-se injusto por satisfazer a interesses particulares e servir de instrumento para a tirania monetária, de modo que quem reina afasta-se da sua constituição verdadeira, que é a realeza / Abstract: The research had as its object of study the notion of authority present in the political philosophy Nicole Oresme, from the different uses of the currency in the kingdom, in particular those who lead the kingdom to self-sufficiency (autarkéia). Through the analysis of the relationship between the prince and his subjects in the manufacturing process, minting and circulation of money, it sought to demonstrate the performance of the natural end of the currency as a tool used in an artificial system fair exchanges can foster,in the kingdom, wealth and happiness for its subjects by the circulation of wealth that allows the diversity of goods and services available to residents in the kingdom and subjects. Therefore, the research is divided into three chapters that addressed the notion of political authority in the Royalty, the limits of authority of the prince in the kingdom and tyranny as the cause of sedition. In order to do it, it was read the Traité sur la Monnaie and the supplementary texts and comments to the Political Commentary on Ethics, the latter corresponds to the translations and glosses of French Oresme to Aristotelian texts of Politics and Ethics, respectively. It was concluded that the kingship and tyranny are different ways of ordering human relationships. The royals have good constitutions and the government is exercised by the prince and it is straight because it seeks for wellness and the public interest. On the monetary issue, this results in the preservation of the quality of the coin and the promotion means that it circulates among his subjects and between realms fairly. On the other hand, the use of money by the tyranny becomes unjust to satisfy particular interests and serves as a tool for monetary tyranny, so whoever reigns deviates from its real constitution, which is royalty / Mestrado / Filosofia / Mestra em Filosofia

The traditional narrative of political party development in the United States of America during the latter half of the 1790s ascribes the decline in popularity of the Federalist Party in the Election of 1800 to that party's passage of controversial legislation, specifically the Sedition Act of 1798, prior to the election. Between the passage of the Sedition Act and the Election of 1800, however, the midterm elections of 1798-1799 transpired and resulted in a significant increase in Federalist popularity in four states – North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Virginia. This study seeks to ascertain why these four states increased their support for the Federalist Party in 1798-1799, despite the passage of the Sedition Act by the Federalist Party. By examining newspapers and election results, this study analyzes the reaction of these four states to the passage of the Sedition Act and finds that generally, these states did not react strongly against the Sedition Act in the immediate aftermath of its passage. Instead, all four states urged national unity and emphasized the need to support the national government because the United States faced the threat of war with France. This study employs a state-by-state formula to determine each state's individual reaction to the Sedition Act and the Quasi-War, finding that ultimately, the Sedition Act did not have as significant of an impact in these states as the popular narrative holds.

To gather together is a natural human activity shared by all people. The majority of these activities take place without the involvement of the government, and is of no interest to the law. In South Africa, the right to assemble peacefully, to demonstrate, to picket or to present petitions, is protected in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. When people gather, be it peaceful or violent, participants run the risk of being arrested for committing offences. The way the government of the day reacts to gatherings influence the policing, prosecution and adjudication of offences arising from the right to gather. Current legislation and common-law offences utilised to curb disorder in South Africa are measured against international and regional case law and guidelines. Most of these case law and guidelines linked to international and regional instruments are similar in many respects, and can be deemed as universally acceptable. It is proposed that the government revisits the mixture of current offences utilised by the prosecution during dissent, public violence or protest action, and that specific public order offences are created, providing for specific unlawful conduct with corroborating sentences. Police powers must furthermore be clearly defined to strengthen the hand of the police to secure law and order, serve as guarantee for the rights and freedoms of everyone, and to create legal certainty. The government must organise applicable public order offences in a single public order act. Legislation applicable to public order must be accessible and easily understandable since protest may be the only avenue for a member of the public to bring his or her plight under the attention of the government. Existing guidelines from applicable international and regional instruments which guide and monitor executive conduct must be included since these guidelines qualify as public order offences. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL. D. (Criminal and Procedural Law)